Intelligence ReportsExclusive ReportsIran’s New Cabinet: Pezeshkian's Government Under Khamenei’s Control

Iran’s New Cabinet: Pezeshkian’s Government Under Khamenei’s Control

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The list of proposed ministers presented by Massoud Pezeshkian, the new president of the Iranian regime, to the parliament was predictably formed after extensive consultations with the regime’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, and securing his approval. Pezeshkian has essentially established a joint-stock company managed by Khamenei with significant participation from hardliners and moderates.

For those who have no hope for reform within the regime, nothing has changed. However, regime insiders who participated in the elections with the hope of the so-called reform faction gaining power have once again realized the futility of elections in the Iranian regime.

A brief look at Pezeshkian’s proposed list of ministers provides a more accurate assessment.

Pezeshkian has notably reappointed Esmail Khatib, the intelligence minister under Raisi’s government, as the proposed minister for the same ministry. Khatib is a hardline cleric with a history of collaboration with the Revolutionary Guards, the Intelligence Ministry, and the Judiciary. He notably served as the intelligence minister under Ebrahim Raisi in 2022, overseeing significant repression of protesters, particularly women and youth.

Pezeshkian’s proposed interior minister, Eskandar Momeni, has a long history in the police force and will be the second-highest security official in the new government. Coordinating with Khamenei, Pezeshkian has nominated someone who described the protesters against the 2009 election results as “misguided mercenaries tied to foreign powers” and played a significant role in suppressing those protests.

Momeni had previously stated, “The enemies of the regime are waiting for something to happen through internal elements to exploit it fully. We saw this during the 2009 sedition. Therefore, it is necessary to be extremely vigilant in this area to prevent this wave from spreading in society.”

Pezeshkian has deemed only one-woman worthy of being in his cabinet: Farzaneh Sadegh as the Minister of Roads and Urban Development. In other words, Pezeshkian did not consider any other woman, even symbolically or superficially, suitable for leading any of his ministries.

Pezeshkian’s proposed minister for Culture and Islamic Guidance is also one of Khamenei’s trusted figures: Abbas Salehi, who held a similar position in Hassan Rouhani’s second administration.

Alireza Kazemi, who is the deputy secretary-general of the Drug Control Headquarters and served as the acting minister of Education for a few months in Raisi’s government, has been proposed for the Ministry of Education.

Hossein Simayi Sarraf, Pezeshkian’s nominee for the Ministry of Science, has 20 years of religious studies (seminary education) and a background in law, and he is set to lead the Ministry of Science.

Abbas Aliabadi, the Minister of Industry, Mine, and Trade in Raisi’s government, has been nominated for the Ministry of Energy. He is one of the commanders of the Revolutionary Guards and served as the CEO of the MAPNA Group during Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s administration, overseeing the majority of Iran’s power plant projects.

Abbas Salehi Amiri, with a security background, has been nominated as the Minister of Cultural Heritage, Tourism, and Handicrafts.

The selection of Abbas Araghchi as the proposed foreign minister, given his close relationship with Mohammad Javad Zarif and Khamenei’s trust in him was expected. Similarly, the nomination of Abdolnaser Hemmati, the Central Bank president during Rouhani’s second term, as the Minister of Economy was predictable.

Pezeshkian has not nominated any ministers from religious minorities. The representation of youth in his cabinet is almost non-existent, with the youngest minister being 48 years old and the average age of the ministers around 60. Moreover, half of his proposed ministers align with various factions of hardliners, and as mentioned, only one woman is included in Pezeshkian’s proposed cabinet.

Iran’s fundamental problems and the economic, social, and political crises are deeply intertwined with the structure of power in the Islamic Republic. The authoritarian, inefficient, corrupt, and plundering regime continues its undemocratic rule by suppressing the majority. In this context, Pezeshkian’s government, with a lineup of ministers that essentially represents a joint-stock company managed by Khamenei, will only deepen the despair over any improvement in conditions.

In this situation, it seems that only those who see the solution outside the circle of dictatorial rulers and seek democracy through popular movements and protests have so far had a realistic outlook.

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