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Iranian Citizens Struggle to Cover Expenses as Housing Crisis Deepens

Mehdi Hosseini
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Iranian Citizens Struggle to Cover Expenses as Housing Crisis Deepens

In recent months, the housing crisis has become one of the country’s most important economic and social concerns. Continuous price increases, declining purchasing power, and surging construction costs have pushed this crisis to a point where many families no longer have hope of becoming homeowners. What is seen today is a deep and structural crisis that is affecting people’s daily lives.

In recent years, the decline in the national currency’s value has played an important role in intensifying the housing crisis. With the currency’s depreciation, land and housing prices have surged dramatically. This has turned the issue of homeownership from an economic problem into a widespread social issue. Many young people who until a few years ago had some hope of buying a home now feel trapped in the face of this housing crisis.

Iran’s Housing Market Under the Rubble of War

In fact, the housing catastrophe in Iran has reached an acute stage in which runaway growth in purchase prices and rents has pushed a large part of society below the housing poverty line, to the point that phenomena such as living in small rooms, shared rentals, and forced migration to city outskirts have sharply increased.

The crisis of rising construction material prices

The increase in construction material prices has also put additional pressure on the market. Builders complain about rising costs, and this has directly affected the final price of housing units. As a result, the housing crisis has intensified not only on the demand side but also on the supply side. The higher construction costs rise, the greater the gap between people’s incomes and housing prices becomes, meaning a deepening of the crisis.

On the other hand, the role of speculation in the land and housing market cannot be ignored. A significant portion of housing units are held as investment assets. This trend has led to a reduction in real supply and an artificial increase in prices. In such conditions, the housing crisis has moved out of an economic cycle and turned into a speculative one.

Migration to city outskirts

In large cities, the situation is more severe. Rents have risen unprecedentedly, and many families have been forced to move to city outskirts. These relocations have themselves created new social consequences. The housing crisis in these areas is not only about high prices but also about lifestyle changes and widespread psychological pressure on families.

The important point is that the homelessness crisis is no longer limited to lower income deciles. Even the middle class has gradually been pushed out of the housing market. This situation shows that the crisis has become a widespread issue and has crossed class boundaries.

Housing crisis and social hope

From a social perspective, the consequences of this situation are very extensive. An increase in marriage age, a decline in birth rates, and growing psychological insecurity are among the direct results of this crisis. When access to housing becomes difficult, planning for the future is also disrupted. In fact, the housing catastrophe has directly affected social hope.

Alongside these conditions, the continuous increase in prices in other markets such as food and services has doubled the pressure. However, among all these pressures, the housing problem has a special place, as housing is considered the most basic human need. Lack of access to adequate housing means weakening the economic security of families.

In conclusion, what is seen today is not a simple housing crisis, but a deep and structural housing crisis rooted in a combination of economic, managerial, and speculative factors. If this housing crisis continues, it will widen the class gap and confront society with even greater challenges.Top of Form

Iran: Death Sentence of Political Prisoner Manouchehr Fallah Reconfirmed

Hoshang Amiri
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Iran: Death Sentence of Political Prisoner Manouchehr Fallah Reconfirmed

As pressure against political prisoners in Iran intensifies, reports indicate that a court in Rasht has once again confirmed the death sentence of Manouchehr Fallah, a political prisoner accused of membership in the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK).

According to the report, the relevant branch of the regime’s court in Rasht, presided over by Ahmad Darvish Goftar, reconfirmed the death sentence of the 36-year-old prisoner during the third week of May. This comes despite the fact that the regime’s Supreme Court had previously returned the case to the lower court for reconsideration.

Manouchehr Fallah Sentenced to Death on the Pretext of Causing Damage to the Rasht Courthouse Building

Manouchehr Fallah was arrested in June 2023 and has since been held in the Mithaq ward of Lakan Prison in Rasht. Human rights sources say the handling of his case has been accompanied by extensive ambiguity and heavy security pressure.

In another case, Roozbeh Alipour, the brother of Babak Alipour, a member of the PMOI/MEK who was executed on March 31, has reportedly been subjected to pressure and mistreatment in Ghezel Hesar Prison and deprived of access to medical care. Reports indicate that he is in poor physical condition and continues to face medical restrictions in prison.

At the same time, the Iranian regime’s judiciary has also increased pressure on female political prisoners. Forough Taghipour, a 30-year-old political prisoner and accounting graduate, has once again been targeted with a new fabricated case in the regime’s Revolutionary Court in Tehran.

According to published information, Judge Sharifi Nasab sentenced her to an additional one year in prison for publishing a message marking Student Day in 2025. Forough Taghipour, who was arrested in August 2023, had previously been sentenced to 15 years in prison and is now facing retrial and new sentences.

The increase in heavy sentences, denial of medical treatment, and fabrication of new cases against political prisoners have once again heightened concerns in recent weeks about the intensifying repression of political opponents by the Iranian regime.

Iran’s Regime Forms New Headquarters for Repression and Control of Cyberspace Amidst Internet Blackouts

Esmaeil Mohades
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Iran’s Regime Forms New Headquarters for Repression and Control of Cyberspace Amidst Internet Blackouts

As widespread internet disruptions and blackouts continue across Iran, reports indicate the formation of a new body called the Headquarters for the Organization and Guidance of Cyberspace. This development comes as internet shutdowns and restrictions have entered their 83rd day, with millions of citizens still facing severe limitations in accessing the global internet.

On Tuesday, May 19, the state-run Shargh newspaper revealed the formation of this new headquarters in a report. According to the report, government officials and cabinet members have been prohibited from speaking to the media about the details of this structure. This official silence has increased uncertainty regarding the objectives and powers of the new body.

Reports indicate that the headquarters includes a broad combination of regime, security, and military institutions. Members include the attorney general, members of the Majlis (parliament), the ministries of communications, intelligence, culture and Islamic guidance, and science, the presidential vice presidency for science and technology, secretaries of the Supreme Council of Cyberspace and the Supreme National Security Council, the IRGC Intelligence Organization, and several representatives from the private sector.

Internet Blackout and Expansion of Parallel Security Structures

The formation of this headquarters comes despite the fact that various institutions have been responsible for internet and cyberspace policymaking in recent years. The creation of another structure has once again raised concerns about overlapping authorities and the lack of transparency in internet governance.

Some domestic media outlets have written that the timing of the formation of this headquarters alongside the continuing internet disruptions and shutdowns has intensified concerns about the growing role of security institutions in controlling online space. Technology activists have also warned about the further concentration of power in internet management.

In recent weeks, users in various cities have reported constant internet outages, severe speed reductions, and disruptions in access to social media platforms and messaging applications. Many online businesses have also spoken of heavy losses caused by the situation.

Meanwhile, internet monitoring organization NetBlocks announced that the internet blackout in Iran has entered its 83rd day after 1,968 hours. The organization emphasized that public access to the global internet remains at its lowest level.

Tiered Internet and Increasing Restrictions

At the same time as the widespread restrictions and internet blackout, reports have emerged about special internet access being granted to certain institutions and select individuals. According to these reports, tiered internet access has been established for some companies, organizations, and figures close to the regime, an issue that has sparked widespread reactions among social media users.

Critics say the Iranian regime has restricted public internet access while providing stable and unrestricted access routes for select sectors. This situation has created a new divide between ordinary citizens and regime institutions.

In recent months, alongside widespread protests and an increasingly securitized atmosphere, pressure on media activists and social media users has also intensified. Reports indicate that dozens of citizens in various cities have been arrested due to online activity, use of anti-filtering tools, or publishing content on social media platforms.

Human rights organizations have repeatedly warned that internet shutdowns in Iran are not merely technical measures, but tools for controlling protests, restricting the free flow of information, and intensifying media repression.

While officials of the Iranian regime have not yet provided a clear explanation about the duties of this headquarters, many observers view the move as part of the broader policy of the mullahs’ regime to establish full control over the internet and further restrict online space, a policy that has expanded significantly in recent years alongside popular protests.

Secret Execution of Two Kurdish Political Prisoners in Naqadeh Prison, Iran

Sia Rajabi
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Secret Execution of Two Kurdish Political Prisoners in Naqadeh Prison, Iran

In the early hours of Wednesday, May 20, the death sentences of two Kurdish political prisoners, Ramin Zeleh and Karim Maroufpour, were secretly carried out in Naqadeh Central Prison. According to human rights sources, the executions were conducted without informing their families and while depriving them of the right to a final visit.

According to published reports, the two prisoners, both from Naqadeh County, had previously been sentenced to death in a joint case by Branch One of the Revolutionary Court in Mahabad on charges of baghi (“armed rebellion against the state”) through membership in the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI).

Iran’s ‘No to Execution Tuesdays’ campaign marks 121st week

At the same time as the executions, Mizan News Agency, the official media outlet of the regime’s judiciary, confirmed the executions in a statement and accused the two prisoners of membership in Kurdish groups, armed uprising, and attempted assassination. However, human rights organizations have once again expressed concern about the use of forced confessions and opaque judicial procedures in political cases, especially in Kurdish regions.

Ramin Zeleh was arrested by Intelligence Ministry forces in August 2024 and, after approximately 507 days of detention and legal limbo, was sentenced to death. According to reports, his court hearing lasted only a few minutes and was held without the presence of his chosen lawyer. His death sentence was formally delivered to him in prison in December 2024.

Karim Maroufpour, 29, from Naqadeh, had previously been arrested in the city of Sardasht in April 2021. He was reportedly severely beaten at the time of arrest and held for a long period incommunicado and without contact with his family. He was ultimately sentenced to death alongside Ramin Zeleh in the same joint case.

It should be noted that the Iranian regime, amid war and instability in the region, has resorted to the widespread execution of political prisoners in preparation for confronting potential uprisings and protests by the Iranian people.

City Council Member in Zanjan Runs Over Protesting Worker With Car

Jubin Katiraie
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City Council Member in Zanjan Runs Over Protesting Worker With Car

The state-run Rouydad24 news website wrote on May 19 regarding the protests by Zanjan municipality workers: “Disregard for workers’ rights in Iran is reaching new extremes every day. The top-down attitude of some officials, who have reached their current positions through the votes and money of the people, has caused hatred and dissatisfaction in society. Especially under the current conditions, where war has left many workers unemployed and society has become more sensitive than ever to the violation of its basic rights. Under such circumstances, a strange incident has occurred in the city of Zanjan.”

Gasoline Price Hikes in Iran Trigger a New Battle Over People’s Livelihoods

The protests by Zanjan municipality workers entered a new phase in recent days. Repeated gatherings by workers in front of the city council building were this time accompanied by a controversial incident. The protesting workers, who were objecting to cuts in overtime pay, salary conditions, and the huge disparity between managers’ bonuses and the wages of service workers, are now speaking of a violent and humiliating confrontation. According to witnesses, the incident involved a city council member’s car running over a worker’s leg.

Zanjan Municipality Workers Protest Wage Reductions

According to the workers’ accounts, the gatherings began several days earlier. Municipality workers said severe reductions in overtime pay had pushed many working-class families into crisis. They also protested the significant gap between managers’ bonuses and workers’ salaries.

The protesting workers gathered outside the Zanjan City Council building and demanded answers from officials. However, according to the protesters, no official was willing to speak with them directly.

At the same time, the departure of Mohammad Kazem Mojtahedi, a member of the Zanjan City Council, from the council parking lot escalated tensions. Several workers gathered around the vehicle and demanded explanations regarding wages and benefits.

During the Zanjan municipality workers’ protest, one protesting worker described the incident this way: “We had gathered in front of the city council building because of overtime and salary issues. Cleric Mojtahedi came out of the parking lot. The guys went toward the car and asked why the situation was like this. He did not get out of the car. I was standing in front of the car. He started the car and moved forward without paying attention. As he moved, he hit me and kept going. I fell to the ground and half of my body went under the car.”

Zanjan Municipality Workers’ Protest and the Livelihood Crisis

Municipality workers in recent years have repeatedly protested their living conditions. Reductions in benefits, delayed payments, and the wide gap between managers’ salaries and workers’ wages have been among the main causes of the protests.

In Zanjan as well, workers say rising living costs have left no room for cuts in overtime pay. Many of them stress that a significant portion of their monthly income depends on overtime work, and eliminating or reducing it creates severe economic pressure.

PMOI Confirms Deaths of Resistance Unit Members During 2025–2026 Iran Uprising

Esmaeil Mohades
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PMOI Confirms Deaths of Resistance Unit Members During 2025–2026 Iran Uprising

As further details emerge from the nationwide uprising that swept across Iran from late 2025 into early 2026, the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) has confirmed the deaths of three additional Resistance Unit members who had previously been reported missing during the crackdown.

The announcement sheds more light on the scale of the confrontation between anti-government protesters and the Iranian regime’s security apparatus during what opposition groups describe as one of the most extensive uprisings in recent years.

The Voice They Could Not Silence: Vahid Bani Amerian’s Final Testament

According to the PMOI, the three members were killed in January 2026 during direct clashes with security forces in Tehran, Eslamabad-e Gharb, and Shahr-e Rey.

Thirty-five-year-old Mohammad-Sadegh Alavinezhad, who held a master’s degree in electrical engineering, was killed on January 8 during clashes on Enghelab Street in Tehran. A day later, 30-year-old Mahsa Jalilian was reportedly shot directly by security forces in Eslamabad-e Gharb. On January 10, 44-year-old Reza Vaghfiravan lost his life during confrontations in Shahr-e Rey.

The confirmations add to a growing list of casualties linked to the protests and subsequent state crackdown. The PMOI had previously published names of members killed between January 15 and January 29, 2026. Additional names also appeared in a list published by the office of Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on February 1, 2026, which acknowledged the deaths of five more PMOI members.

The details surrounding those deaths point to increasingly organized confrontations between Resistance Units and state security institutions.

Among those named were Mostafa Azizi, 46, Majid Khoushehchin, 40, and 18-year-old Ramtin Mirzadokht, who were killed on January 8 during an operation targeting a security forces base in Vavan, located in Eslamshahr near Tehran.

On the same day in Zanjan, 21-year-old university student and karate champion Arshia Barari, along with 30-year-old cabinet maker Alireza Behgozin, were killed during an operation in Sabzeh-Meydan that reportedly resulted in the capture of a local security station.

The uprising itself began on December 28, 2025, with protests by Tehran bazaar merchants over the rapid collapse of the Iranian rial, inflation, and worsening shortages of basic goods. Demonstrations that initially centered on economic grievances quickly evolved into overtly political protests calling for regime change.

According to the report, unrest spread rapidly to roughly 400 counties across the country and reached university campuses. The PMOI states that Resistance Units played a central role in sustaining and organizing demonstrations as the protests expanded.

The organization says its units carried out 630 operations targeting installations associated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Basij paramilitary force, and other state institutions. Iranian authorities responded with widespread internet and communications restrictions alongside a heavy security crackdown.

The report describes the crackdown as deadly, alleging that thousands of civilians were killed during the suppression of the protests.

The newly confirmed deaths also underscore the broad social and generational profile of those involved in the unrest.

Among the previously identified victims was Dr. Naeem Abdollahi, a 34-year-old assistant professor of political science at Tehran University who held a Juris Doctor degree. Abdollahi had reportedly been imprisoned in Evin Prison in 2018 and later expelled from the university following the 2022 protests. According to the PMOI, he was shot dead by IRGC forces on January 8 while leading Resistance Units in Tehran’s Naziabad district.

The crackdown also claimed younger victims. The report cites the death of 18-year-old Mohammad Bahrami, described as a PMOI supporter, who was allegedly attacked with knives and machetes before being shot by state agents in Azadshahr, Golestan Province, on January 6.

Other names highlighted by the PMOI include Abbasali Ramezani, a 74-year-old veteran PMOI member and former political prisoner who was killed in Mashhad on January 19. The list also includes university student Zahra Bohlouli-Pour and teenage workers Reza Ghanbari and the Kadivarian brothers in Kermanshah.

The profiles span multiple professions, age groups, and regions — from university academics and students to laborers and tradesmen. Many were reportedly involved in organizing demonstrations or participating in direct confrontations with security forces during the peak of the unrest.

The events of late 2025 and early 2026 marked a significant escalation in anti-government activity across Iran. While demonstrations initially emerged in response to deteriorating economic conditions, the movement rapidly evolved into a broader political challenge to the ruling establishment.

The PMOI maintains that Resistance Units helped coordinate activities across cities and neighborhoods while confronting security forces and state institutions. Iranian authorities, meanwhile, imposed communication blackouts and intensified security operations as protests spread nationwide.

As additional identities continue to emerge months after the crackdown, the names published by opposition groups provide a fragmented but expanding account of the human cost of the uprising.

From Tehran’s Enghelab Street to provincial cities such as Zanjan, Eslamabad-e Gharb, Mashhad, and Azadshahr, the reports describe a movement that drew participation from different generations and social backgrounds, leaving behind a growing list of casualties whose stories continue to surface long after the streets fell silent.

Urban Poverty in Iran: The Collapse of the Economy of Life in Major Cities

Hoshang Amiri
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Urban Poverty in Iran: The Collapse of the Economy of Life in Major Cities

Urban poverty in Iran has now reached a stage where it can no longer be explained merely through income indicators. What is now visible in Tehran, Mashhad, Ahvaz, Karaj, and other major cities is a combination of a housing crisis, the collapse of job security, forced migration, marginalization, and the erosion of social identity. Tens of thousands of people are now forced to choose between remaining in the city and preserving a minimum level of human dignity.

For years, the economic structure of the Iranian regime has turned cities into commodities for speculation. In this structure, housing is viewed not as a social right but as a tool for capital accumulation by groups close to power. The result has been exploding rental prices, the gradual elimination of the middle class, and the displacement of millions to the outskirts of cities. Today, even salaried employees and professionals can no longer afford to maintain independent lives.

Food Inflation and the Erosion of the Middle Class in Iran’s Economy

The Collapse of Urban Life Under the Pressure of War and Economic Crisis

The current crisis is not merely the result of inflation or mismanagement. Recent wars and political tensions have also multiplied the speed of urban poverty’s expansion. Many businesses have shut down, economic projects have stalled, and thousands have lost their jobs. Official unemployment insurance statistics show only a small part of the reality. Millions of people who worked in the informal, online, or project-based economy have effectively been abandoned without any support.

Under such conditions, returning to one’s parents’ home is no longer a cultural choice; it is a sign of economic failure and the collapse of personal independence. A middle-aged woman forced to move back to her mother’s house with her child is not merely changing her place of residence; she is losing part of her social identity. Reverse migration from Tehran to smaller cities is also no longer a sign of attachment to one’s hometown, but rather the direct result of being unable to survive in the capital.

Saeed Izadi, a faculty member at Bu-Ali Sina University in Iran, emphasizes that urban poverty is not merely income poverty. According to him, today’s crisis includes housing poverty, insecurity, environmental poverty, cultural poverty, and the collapse of living standards. This definition explains why even areas that appear physically developed are still engulfed in crisis. A city may have tall towers and massive highways, but when its residents lack psychological security, stable employment, and the ability to live with dignity, that city is effectively poor.

The dimensions of this crisis are staggering. According to studies conducted in Tehran, nearly half of the capital’s population is affected by forms of multidimensional poverty. This means the crisis is no longer limited to traditional slum dwellers. Teachers, journalists, office workers, artists, and even sections of the professional workforce are now being pushed into lower social classes.

Marginalization; The Real Face of the Failure of Iran’s Planning System

One of the clearest manifestations of urban poverty is the expansion of informal settlements and impoverished neighborhoods. The marginalized population, estimated at around 11 million people years ago, has now risen to approximately 14 million. Climate crises, water shortages, the destruction of agriculture, and the heavy concentration of resources in a few major cities have also forced millions to migrate.

In fact, over decades, the Iranian regime has destroyed balanced regional development, pushing people toward major cities and then abandoning those same populations on the urban margins. The result has been the emergence of areas lacking proper infrastructure, healthcare services, quality education, and social security.

The crisis of urban poverty has even reached the historical hearts of cities. Many old neighborhoods in Tehran, Isfahan, and Shiraz have been abandoned because of high costs, deterioration, and neglect. In these districts, urban life is gradually fading away, replaced by alienation, insecurity, and poverty.

The regime’s planning structure has for years focused solely on quantity. For the rulers, the number of housing units has mattered more than quality of life. Massive construction projects have been built without regard for urban identity, transportation, the environment, or human needs. The result is cities that may have physically expanded but have become hollow from within.

This crisis has become a threat to social cohesion, mental health, personal identity, and the future of society. War, sanctions, structural corruption, and the chronic inefficiency of the Iranian regime have turned cities into spaces of permanent anxiety. Beneath this heavy dust, not only buildings but also human hope is gradually disappearing.

Gasoline Price Hikes in Iran Trigger a New Battle Over People’s Livelihoods

Mehdi Hosseini
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Gasoline Price Hikes in Iran Trigger a New Battle Over People’s Livelihoods

As Iran’s economic crisis, inflation, and declining purchasing power continue, recent remarks by Hamid Rasai, a member of the Iranian regime’s parliament, regarding the possibility of a sharp increase in gasoline prices have once again heightened concerns about growing pressure on people’s livelihoods. These remarks come at a time when a large portion of society is already struggling under the burden of inflation and rising prices, and any new economic decision could trigger a fresh wave of public discontent.

Rasai wrote in a post on X that there is a faction within the government which, according to him, sees the solution to economic problems in deregulating prices and increasing costs. He claimed that this faction intends to reduce subsidized gasoline quotas and raise the price of non-subsidized gasoline.

Iran’s Employment Crisis: The Increase in Unemployment Insurance Registrations

These remarks come as gasoline price hikes have consistently been one of the most sensitive economic and social issues in Iran in recent years. The experience of the sudden gasoline price increase in November 2019 remains fresh in the public memory, and many citizens view any change in fuel prices as the beginning of a new wave of rising costs for goods and services.

Gasoline Price Hikes and the Continuation of Inflationary Policies

Rasai further blamed the same economic faction for eliminating the preferential exchange rate. He claimed that the result of these policies has been the highest inflation imposed on the people since the 1979 revolution. Without referring to the role of the broader ruling structure in the economic crisis, the parliament member attempted to portray part of the government as directly responsible for worsening pressure on people’s livelihoods.

However, economic experts have repeatedly emphasized that the inflation crisis, the collapse of the national currency’s value, and widespread price increases are the result of decades of structural corruption, administrative inefficiency, and the heavy costs of the regime’s policies. Under such conditions, any increase in gasoline prices could quickly affect transportation costs, food prices, and essential goods, making life even more difficult for millions of citizens.

At the same time, the remarks sparked widespread reactions on social media. Many users expressed concern about a repeat of previous fuel price hike scenarios. Others viewed the renewed disputes among regime officials as a sign of intensifying crisis within the power structure.

Regime Infighting Over Gasoline Price Hikes

In another part of his remarks, Rasai targeted Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the speaker of the parliament. He claimed that Ghalibaf, by unjustifiably sealing off parliament, has prevented lawmakers from overseeing government decisions. According to Rasai, conditions have deteriorated to the point that carrying out parliamentary duties has become difficult, and parliament has been placed in a state of deliberate paralysis.

In recent months, disputes among various factions of the regime over the management of the economic crisis have intensified. Each faction is trying to shift responsibility for the current situation onto the others, while the main burden of these crises continues to fall on the people.

At a time when inflation remains high and living costs continue to rise daily, the renewed discussion of gasoline price hikes has intensified social concerns. At the same time, revelations and verbal clashes among regime officials present a picture of disorder and crisis within the country’s decision-making structure—a crisis whose consequences directly affect the daily lives of the people.

Paris to Host Major Rally Supporting a Free Iran on June 20

Jubin Katiraie
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Paris to Host Major Rally Supporting a Free Iran on June 20

More than 100,000 people are expected to gather in Paris on June 20, 2026, to voice their support for freedom and democracy in Iran. The event will call for an end to executions in Iran and advocate for a democratic republic free from dictatorship.

“No to Executions, Yes to a Democratic Republic”

Supporters of the Iranian Resistance and freedom-loving Iranians from across the world are expected to participate in what organizers describe as one of the largest Iranian gatherings ever held in Europe. The rally aims to condemn the increasing wave of political executions in Iran and highlight the Iranian people’s demand for a democratic future.

The event coincides with the 45th anniversary of the beginning of Iran’s nationwide resistance against the ruling theocracy — a day commemorated as the Day of Martyrs and Political Prisoners in Iran. Organizers say the gathering will deliver a clear message to the international community: lasting peace and stability in Iran can only be achieved through support for the Iranian people’s struggle for freedom and democracy.

Growing Concerns Over Executions in Iran

The rally takes place amid rising international concern over the sharp increase in executions of political prisoners in Iran, particularly members and supporters of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK). Reports indicate that dozens of dissidents have been executed in recent weeks, while many others remain on death row.

Human rights advocates warn that the Iranian regime is using executions and widespread repression to create fear and prevent another nationwide uprising similar to the protests that swept across Iran earlier this year. Many young protesters, students, and athletes arrested during the January 2026 uprising are still imprisoned, and the fate of thousands remains unknown.

For many participants, opposition to executions is closely tied to the broader demand for democratic change. Their central slogan remains:

“No to Executions — No to Shah, No to Mullahs — Yes to a Democratic Republic.”

Rejecting All Forms of Dictatorship

Speakers and participants are expected to emphasize that the Iranian people reject both the former monarchy and the current clerical regime. The movement supporting the rally advocates for a democratic republic based on free elections, separation of religion and state, gender equality, minority rights, and the abolition of the death penalty.

The National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), which supports the event, states that Iran’s future must be determined solely by its people — not through foreign intervention, war, or appeasement of the ruling establishment.

Maryam Rajavi, the NCRI’s President-elect for the transitional period, has repeatedly promoted what she describes as a “third option”: neither dictatorship nor foreign-imposed change, but democratic transformation led by the Iranian people and the organized resistance inside Iran.

International Support and Solidarity

Lawmakers, former officials, human rights advocates, and political figures from Europe and North America are expected to attend the rally in solidarity with the Iranian people.

Organizers believe the large turnout in Paris will reflect growing international support for a democratic republic in Iran and for the Iranian people’s right to resist tyranny and repression.

As preparations continue, activists across social media are encouraging supporters worldwide to take part in what they describe as a historic march for Iran’s future.

On June 20, Paris is expected to become the voice of a nation calling for freedom, justice, and an end to executions.

Amnesty International: 2,159 People Executed in Iran in 2025

Mehdi Hosseini
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Amnesty International: 2,159 People Executed in Iran in 2025

In a new report, Amnesty International stated that the Iranian regime carried out at least 2,159 executions in 2025, marking the highest number of executions in more than four decades. According to the human rights organization, this figure played a major role in the sharp global rise in executions.

The human rights organization announced on Monday, May 18, that a total of at least 2,707 people were executed worldwide in 2025, the highest recorded figure since 1981.

The Amnesty International report states that the increase in executions is not limited to Iran; however, the Iranian regime alone accounted for the largest share of this trend and set an unprecedented record.

Amnesty International emphasizes that the rise in executions in Iran has coincided with an intensified security and political climate in the country. According to the organization, Iranian regime officials, following widespread anti-government protests in January last year and after the start of the war with Israel and the United States in February, have turned the death penalty into a tool for political repression and spreading fear in society.

The report states that governments which restrict civic space and silence dissent are increasingly resorting to the death penalty to consolidate their power.

Amnesty International says this trend has intensified particularly in Iran, where executions in many cases are carried out in opaque circumstances and without respect for fair trial standards.

Other human rights organizations have also repeatedly warned in recent months about the rising number of executions in Iran. According to these organizations, some of those executed include political prisoners, detained protesters, and individuals tried in security-related cases.

In conclusion, Amnesty International stressed that due to restricted access to information in Iran, the actual number of executions is likely even higher than the reported figures. The organization called on the international community to exert greater pressure on the Iranian regime to halt the wave of executions in Iran and to prevent the government from using the death penalty as a tool of political repression.

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