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Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization Set Conditions For Full Resumption Of IAEA Inspections

Mohammad Eslami, head of Iran’s regime Atomic Energy Organization, said in a written interview with Japan’s Kyodo News that until what he called “special precautionary measures” are carried out following Israeli and U.S. attacks on Iran’s nuclear facilities, inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) cannot be fully resumed.

In this interview, Eslami said the current security situation, amid the risk of future Israeli attacks, “remains similar to wartime,” and that trust in the UN’s International Atomic Energy Agency must be rebuilt.

He said, “This is the first time in history that protected nuclear facilities have come under military attack,” adding: “Before inspections return to normal, special precautionary measures must be taken.”

U.S. State Department Warns to Hold Tehran Accountable if No Nuclear Deal Is Reached

On June 13, 2025, Israel launched its attacks on Iran’s regime, during which many senior military commanders and dozens of operators of the regime’s nuclear program were killed. During this war, the United States also targeted three of the regime’s main nuclear sites in Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan.

According to Kyodo News, following these attacks, Iran’s regime parliament passed a law suspending cooperation with the IAEA, effectively halting most of the agency’s inspection activities in Iran.

Afterward, IAEA inspectors left Iran, while the regime openly criticized Rafael Grossi, the IAEA Director General.

In this criticism, which continued months of prior attacks by regime officials, Grossi was accused of failing to protect confidential information and of yielding to Western pressure.

On September 9, Rafael Grossi, IAEA Director General, and Abbas Araghchi, Iran’s regime foreign minister, reached an agreement in Cairo on a new mechanism for continued cooperation between the two sides.

According to the report, the Tehran-IAEA understanding, known as the “Cairo Agreement,” establishes a practical mechanism for cooperation reflecting the “extraordinary conditions” created by the attacks on the regime’s nuclear facilities and the ongoing threats against them.

On September 10, Grossi said: “The technical document covers all facilities and sites in Iran and also includes mandatory reporting on all attacked facilities, including the nuclear material contained in them.”

However, in a contradictory statement, Araghchi said on September 10 that under this agreement, “no access will be given to IAEA inspectors except for the Bushehr nuclear power plant.”

Subsequently, IRNA, the official news agency of the regime, wrote that the Cairo document is “not a blank check” and that the IAEA’s activities in Iran are “conditional.”

In a September 13 report, IRNA wrote that if the West takes action against Iran’s regime, the agreement with the IAEA will be canceled.

The Iran-IAEA agreement came after August 28, when the three European signatories of the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA)—France, the UK, and Germany—sent a letter to the UN Security Council triggering the 30-day snapback mechanism to reimpose UN sanctions.

Eslami told Kyodo News: “With efforts to fully implement the agreement, Iran has agreed to limited internal inspections during this period, including at the Bushehr nuclear power plant, but the parliament remains cautious about possible leaks of information that could expose vulnerabilities.”

He also stated that “the threats of our enemies remain,” adding: “All countries place nothing above their sovereignty and national security.”

Western governments have pressured the IAEA to continue strict monitoring of the regime’s enriched uranium stockpiles.

According to Kyodo News, Eslami accused Western countries of what he called “misusing the IAEA for political purposes.” He also claimed the agency had lost its independence, describing its failure to “condemn Israeli and U.S. attacks on the regime’s nuclear facilities” as “an unforgivable mistake that will be recorded in history.”

Earlier, on September 12, a U.S. State Department spokesperson told Al Arabiya news channel that the United States was awaiting clarification on the details of the Tehran-IAEA agreement.

He added: “It is essential to reach an agreement under which Iran abandons its ambition to build nuclear weapons and halts enrichment. Such a step would benefit the people of Iran, the region, and the world.”

He stressed: “If this goal is not achieved, the United States will continue to hold Iran accountable for its actions.”

The Al Arabiya report did not name the U.S. official.

Iran’s regime has only until September 30 to reach an agreement with the West and prevent the return of sanctions.

U.S. Designates Four Iran-Backed Proxy Groups in Iraq as Terrorist Organizations

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The U.S. Department of State has designated four Iran-backed militias in Iraq—Harakat al-Nujaba, Kata’ib Sayyid al-Shuhada, Harakat Ansar Allah al-Awfiya, and Kata’ib al-Imam Ali—as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs).

In a statement on Wednesday, September 17, the State Department said Iran’s regime, as the “world’s largest state sponsor of terrorism,” enables these militias to plan, facilitate, or directly carry out attacks in Iraq.

According to the statement, Iran-aligned groups have been involved in attacks against the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad and coalition bases and often use aliases and front organizations to conceal their involvement.

The State Department said the terrorist designation is in line with U.S. President Donald Trump’s maximum pressure policy to cut off revenue to Iran’s regime, its allies, and its proxy forces.

Polish Company Sold Shahed Drone Parts to Iran

The statement added that the U.S. will continue using all available tools to protect its national security interests and to prevent “funding and resources from reaching terrorists.”

In 2019, the State Department designated Harakat al-Nujaba and its Secretary General Akram al-Kaabi as Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGTs).

According to the statement, this group, founded in 2013, has openly pledged allegiance to Iran’s regime and supreme leader Ali Khamenei and is part of the Tehran-led so-called “Axis of Resistance.”

Kata’ib Sayyid al-Shuhada and its Secretary General Hashem Finjan Rahim al-Saraji were added to the SDGT list in 2023.

Tehran has supported this group with training, financing, and advanced weaponry.

Harakat Ansar Allah al-Awfiya and its Secretary General Haidar Mazhar Malik al-Saeedi were designated as SDGTs in 2024.

This group was involved in the Iranian regime’s January 2024 drone attack on the “Tower 22” base in Jordan, which killed three U.S. service members.

Kata’ib al-Imam Ali was designated in 2025, and its Secretary General Shibl al-Zaydi was designated in 2018 as SDGTs.

This group acted as a financial coordinator between the IRGC Quds Force and Iraqi armed groups, helping to facilitate Iraqi investments on behalf of Qassem Soleimani, the slain commander of the Quds Force.

The U.S. had previously designated Kata’ib Hezbollah and Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq as Foreign Terrorist Organizations.

Designation of individuals and groups as terrorists places them under pressure and isolation, cutting off their access to the U.S. financial system and resources needed to carry out attacks.

Additionally, all assets and financial interests of sanctioned individuals or groups that are in the U.S. or under the control of U.S. persons are frozen. U.S. citizens are generally prohibited from engaging in any transactions with these individuals or groups.

 Iranian Steel and Contract Workers Hold Protest Gatherings

Workers of the National Iranian Steel Industrial Group in Ahvaz and contract workers in the Pars Special Economic Energy Zone in Asaluyeh held protest gatherings in Iran.

On Wednesday, September 17, workers of the National Iranian Steel Industrial Group in Ahvaz continued their labor protests for the fifth consecutive day. Contract workers in the Pars Special Economic Energy Zone in Asaluyeh also demanded the fulfillment of their labor rights on the same day.

For the fifth day, workers of the National Iranian Steel Industrial Group in Ahvaz staged a protest in front of the assembly hall of the factory, demanding the fulfillment of their labor rights.

They protested against the non-payment of two months’ wages, the sudden and unjustified reduction of overtime pay, the suspension of meal services, and the failure to register their work as part of the official record of employment in hazardous jobs. They also demanded access to supplementary health insurance.

Anniversary Of The 2022 Protest Movement, A Turning Point in Iran’s History

The Free Union of Iranian Workers stated that the production level at the National Iranian Steel Industrial Group has declined, workers are deeply worried about the company’s future, and they emphasized the urgent need to restart production lines and ensure transparency in the company’s management.

On Tuesday, September 16, the state-run ILNA news agency reported that the company was facing “cash flow problems.”

This news agency, affiliated with the “House of Workers” labor organization, quoted “an informed labor source” as saying that the National Iranian Steel Industrial Group is “operating at about 10% capacity, and it seems this problem will continue into the autumn.”

After widespread worker protests against the privatization of the company between 2017 and 2018, the National Iranian Steel Industrial Group was ultimately handed over to Bank Melli Iran.

Since then, workers at this major industrial complex have continued to protest over labor-related issues.

Meanwhile, on Wednesday, state-run ILNA reported that the company’s CEO recently sent a letter urging workers to “be patient,” attributing the non-payment of “last month’s wages” to a “lack of liquidity.”

Protest gathering of subcontract workers in Asaluyeh

The Free Union of Iranian Workers reported that subcontract workers in the Pars Special Economic Energy Zone in Asaluyeh staged a protest demanding their labor rights.

Their main demands include the elimination of subcontracting companies, equalization of wages and benefits with official employees, and the signing of direct employment contracts.

According to ILNA, the protesters stressed that “eliminating subcontracting intermediaries can lead to improved working conditions, increased satisfaction, and enhanced productivity.”

The report noted that tens of thousands of contract workers in the National Iranian Oil Company, who “work under severe discrimination and livelihood pressures, have for years demanded the elimination of subcontracting companies. However, the government and parliament, in cooperation with major subcontractors who are themselves oil company managers tied to regime institutions and semi-state entities benefiting from favoritism, repeatedly avoid eliminating subcontracting by making empty promises and dragging the issue into bureaucratic procedures.”

In recent years, contract workers in various sectors across Iran have demanded the elimination of subcontracting companies and the signing of direct employment contracts.

U.S. Offers $10 Million Reward for Information on Three IRGC Cyber Operatives

The U.S. Department of State has offered a $10 million reward for information on three cyber operatives linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), identified as Ali Aghamiri, Yaser Balaghi, and Masoud Jalili.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) announced on Wednesday, September 17, that the three are wanted in connection with malicious cyber activities linked to the IRGC.

According to the FBI, the three Iranians are charged with conspiracy to obtain information from a protected computer, fraud through identity theft and false authentication, and providing material support to foreign terrorist organizations.

A Washington D.C. court last September charged the three IRGC operatives with multiple cyber-related crimes and issued arrest warrants for them.

U.S. Treasury Sanctions Financial Network Supporting IRGC And Defense Ministry of Iranian Regime

The FBI added that since 2019, IRGC-attributed cyber activities have targeted individuals connected to the 2024 U.S. presidential election campaigns as well as those involved in Iran and Middle East affairs, including former and current senior government officials, senior think tank experts, journalists, and activists.

Cyberattack on Gaza ceasefire talks

On August 29, cybersecurity firm “Dream” announced that it had uncovered a sophisticated cyberattack originating from Iran.

According to the company, the attack was “designed to undermine mediation processes and trust among countries” and even infiltrated the Cairo talks for a Gaza ceasefire.

In this operation, hackers linked to the Iranian regime managed to breach the real email account of an employee at the Omani embassy in Paris, enabling them to send messages that closely resembled official diplomatic correspondence.

The company, which develops AI platforms to protect governments and national assets, said that from this account, messages were sent to diplomatic networks containing seemingly harmless Microsoft Word files, which in fact contained advanced malware that activated when opened.

In recent years, Iranian Regime has repeatedly been accused of similar activities, including a ransomware attack on a children’s hospital in New England, plots to assassinate U.S. officials on American soil, and attempts to kill an exiled Iranian dissident journalist in the U.S.

On June 25, the Associated Press reported an escalation in cyberattacks by regime-linked hacker groups following U.S. strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities, writing: “American banks, military contractors, and oil companies have been targeted in recent days.”

On August 19, 2024, the FBI and U.S. intelligence agencies issued a joint statement declaring Iran’s regime responsible for recent attempts to hack the campaign headquarters of Donald Trump and the Biden-Harris ticket.

U.S. Treasury Sanctions Financial Network Supporting IRGC And Defense Ministry of Iranian Regime

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The U.S. Treasury Department announced that it has sanctioned a network of Iranian financial intermediaries, including four individuals and 12 companies in Hong Kong and the United Arab Emirates, for their role in transferring Iran’s oil revenues to benefit the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the regime’s Ministry of Defense.

The Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) of the U.S. Treasury stated on Tuesday, September 16, that these individuals and entities used front companies and cryptocurrencies to move part of the revenues from Iran’s oil sales.

According to the statement, the funds were directed to the IRGC’s Quds Force and Iran’s Ministry of Defense.

The Treasury Department added that the IRGC and the Ministry of Defense used these funds to support Iran-backed militias in the region and to develop advanced weapons, including ballistic missiles and drones.

U.S. Imposes Largest Sanctions Package Against Iranian Regime’s Shipping Industry

Various reports have previously highlighted the use of cryptocurrencies by Iranian regime-linked entities to bypass international sanctions.

On September 15, Israel’s National Bureau for Counter Terror Financing published a list of 187 cryptocurrency addresses linked to the IRGC.

According to Elliptic, a UK-based blockchain analytics company, the listed addresses had collectively received $1.5 billion in Tether, a US dollar stablecoin.

Sanctioned Individuals and Companies

On September 16, John Hurley, the U.S. Deputy Treasury Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, referring to the latest sanctions against Tehran, said: “Iranian entities rely on shadow banking networks to evade sanctions and move millions of dollars through the international financial system.”

He stressed that Donald Trump’s administration will continue its efforts to “cut off the regime’s vital financial flows.”

According to the Treasury Department, two Iranian nationals, Alireza Derakhshan and Arash Estaki Alivand, played key roles in this financial network.

Between 2023 and 2025, they transferred more than $100 million in cryptocurrency from the sale of Iranian oil shipments.

Alivand also acted as a financial broker with the Syrian company Al-Qatirji, identified as a main partner of the IRGC’s Quds Force in selling Iranian oil.

The Treasury Department further noted that Ramin Jalalian, an Iranian money exchanger previously sanctioned for collaborating with Iran’s Ministry of Defense, remains active in this network.

He manages several companies registered in the United Arab Emirates.

Since returning to the White House, Donald Trump has once again put the “maximum pressure” policy against the Iranian regime on the agenda.

During the 12-day war in June, U.S. fighter jets targeted Iranian regime nuclear facilities in Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan.

Even after the ceasefire in this war, the Trump administration has not reduced its pressure on the Iranian regime and continues imposing sanctions on various networks involved in evading international restrictions.

Earlier, on September 11, the U.S. in its largest sanctions package against Yemen’s Houthis, targeted several financial and arms-smuggling networks backed by Tehran.

Part of these sanctions targeted the Houthis’ vast oil smuggling network, which through importing Iranian petroleum products generated billions of dollars in revenue for the group.

Iranian Regime Puts Iran’s Oil on Sale in China with Bigger Discounts

Reuters reported, citing six trade sources, that the Iranian regime is selling its oil to small Chinese refineries with bigger discounts.

On Tuesday, September 16, Reuters reported that Iran’s oil stockpiles in China had reached a new record, while import quota restrictions toward the end of the year had tightened. As a result, the Iranian regime has been offering its oil at deeper discounts than before.

According to the report, this week the discount for Iranian light crude for October cargoes reached more than $6 per barrel compared to the Brent benchmark. Two weeks ago, the discount was about $5, and in March around $3. Record oil inventories in Shandong have reduced profit margins for small refineries, while the shortage of government-issued import quotas has further limited their purchases.

A source familiar with Iran’s oil trade told Reuters: “Discounts for Iranian oil in China have widened on record stock levels at a major refining hub and as a shortage of import quotas towards year-end hindered buying by independent processors.”

Based on tanker tracking data, imports of Iranian oil at Chinese ports have reached their highest level since before Donald Trump’s return to the White House in early 2025 and the revival of the so-called “maximum pressure” campaign.

Data from the commodities analytics firm Kpler shows that the volume of Iranian oil discharged at Chinese ports last month surged significantly, indicating that the world’s largest oil importer has not been affected by U.S. efforts to curb Tehran’s exports.

Iran–China Cooperation in the Missile Field Is on the Rise

The increase was so significant that Iran’s unsold oil stocks floating in Asian seas—rising in recent months—fell by half in just one month.

According to Kpler, discharges of Iranian crude at Chinese ports in August reached 1.68 million barrels per day, a 23% increase compared to July.

Reuters reported on September 16, citing trade sources, that while Western sanctions aimed at halting Iran’s uranium enrichment program are targeting oil exports, declining demand from independent refiners in Shandong province—known as “teapots”—is adding pressure on the Iranian regime to maintain revenues from oil sales.

According to Kpler, these sanctions have reduced shipments to a key Chinese port. On August 21, the U.S. sanctioned Hai Dongjiako port in Qingdao, which previously received 130,000 to 200,000 barrels per day of Iranian oil.

This is the sixth Chinese terminal blacklisted by Washington for receiving Iranian oil. Three informed sources said operations at the terminal ceased shortly after the sanctions were imposed.

In recent years, China has purchased over 90% of Iran’s oil exports. Data from Vortexa shows that between January and August, Chinese imports averaged 1.43 million barrels per day, reflecting a 12% increase compared to last year.

A New Oil Smuggling Scandal Involving Iranian Regime Leaders

To evade sanctions, traders usually disguise Iranian oil as Malaysian oil, transferring cargoes ship-to-ship in waters near Malaysia.

Beijing has described its oil trade with Tehran as consistent with international law and labeled unilateral U.S. sanctions as illegitimate.

According to a senior Kpler analyst, crude imports at Dongjiako port fell by 65% this month (September). However, Qingdao Xiehua, another terminal at the same port, has not yet been sanctioned.

Three trade sources told Reuters that if vessels are not sanctioned, Iranian cargoes are redirected to nearby terminals.

Kpler’s forecast data shows that Iranian oil imports at Huangdao—another discharge hub in Qingdao—will reach 229,000 barrels per day in September, double that of August.

According to Vortexa Analytics, onshore commercial crude inventories in Shandong province reached a record 293 million barrels by August 22, an increase of 20 million barrels since early July, with a large portion consisting of Iranian oil.

Babak Shahbazi Executed in Ghezel Hesar; A Case Full of Ambiguities and Accused of Injustice

On the morning of Wednesday, September 17, Babak Shahbazi, a 44-year-old political prisoner and father of two, was executed in Ghezel Hesar prison. He worked as an installer and repairman of air conditioners. He was arrested in January 2024 and, after months of interrogation and severe pressure, was tried in Branch 15 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court presided over by Judge Abolghasem Salavati. In May 2025, the court sentenced him to death on charges of “corruption on earth” and “espionage for Israel.”

Shahbazi’s family repeatedly called the charges “ridiculous and baseless.” According to them, during the trial it was claimed that he had been trained by Israel to use a simple office software like Microsoft Word. This claim, which was met with public ridicule and disbelief, clearly showed that the charges lacked any legal or logical foundation.

Protest of Babak Shahbazi’s fellow inmates against his execution

According to the latest reports from Ghezel Hesar prison, Shahbazi’s fellow inmates staged a sit-in in front of the office of Unit Four’s chief from the moment of his transfer until late Tuesday night. With continuous slogans and protests, they declared their opposition to Shahbazi’s transfer for execution. The sit-in lasted several hours, creating a tense and alarming atmosphere in the ward. According to informed sources, his fellow inmates insisted that Shahbazi’s execution was unjust and violated the most basic principles of human rights, and it should be stopped immediately.

The Continuation of the ‘No To Execution Tuesdays’ Campaign In 52 Prisons Across Iran: 3,175 Executions In Three Years

Ambiguous judicial process

From the very beginning, Babak Shahbazi’s case was marred by violations of fair trial principles. His third request for retrial at the Supreme Court was also dismissed as “inadmissible” by Branch 29. The ruling stated that his lawyers, Milad Panahipour and Mohammad Saleh Noghrekhar, had failed to attach necessary documents such as the rulings issued by the Revolutionary Court and the Supreme Court. The judges argued that “what the aforementioned lawyers wrote lacks evidence and cannot be used as a basis for issuing a religious and legal judgment. Therefore, under current conditions, the case is incomplete and inadmissible.”

This ruling was signed by Branch Chief Abbasali Alizadeh and advisor Reza Hatami. Critics stressed that the Revolutionary Court, under Judge Abolghassem Salavati, never provides the original ruling to the defendant or his lawyers and only allows limited copying. Therefore, citing the “absence of attached documents” is legally unacceptable.

Execution in silence

With this ruling, Shahbazi’s death sentence became final, and the risk of its enforcement sharply increased in recent weeks. Informed sources reported that he was several times taken out of his ward under the pretext of being transferred to the Ministry of Intelligence, but in fact placed in a cell for execution. Ultimately, on Wednesday morning, his execution in Ghezel Hesar prison was confirmed.

Legal ambiguities and blatant contradictions

Babak Shahbazi’s case provoked widespread reactions among the public and human rights circles. Many described the ruling as “a symbol of injustice in Iran’s judiciary” and a clear example of using espionage charges as a tool to suppress citizens. Critics called the ruling “ridiculous and illogical.” They emphasized that the Revolutionary Court under Judge Salavati never provides the original verdict to the defendant or his lawyers, allowing only limited copying. Thus, the Supreme Court’s reliance on the “absence of attached documents” is legally baseless and highlights the lack of transparency in the judicial process.

These ambiguities once again raised serious questions about the independence of the judiciary and its commitment to fair trial standards.

At the same time, reports emerged that Babak Shahbazi was taken out of his ward hours before the announcement of this ruling, under the pretext of being sent to the Ministry of Intelligence. When his family went to the prison, they were told by the security officer that his exit had not been registered and that he was still inside the prison.

Iran Marks Third Anniversary of 2022 Uprising as Protests Intensify Over Corruption and Mismanagement

On the third anniversary of the 2022 uprising—sparked by the state killing of 22-year-old Mahsa (Jina) Amini—Iran witnessed a fresh wave of protests and strikes across multiple cities. From the restive towns of Kurdistan to the capital Tehran, and from vital oil fields to provincial centers, Iranians from all walks of life took to the streets against the clerical regime’s corruption, repression, and inefficiency. The government’s response—marked by violent crackdowns, military deployments, and widespread intimidation—underscored its deepening fear of its own people.

Kurdistan: The Epicenter of Defiance

The anniversary was preceded by bloodshed in Kurdistan. On September 15, plainclothes forces opened fire on villagers in Pir Omran, Saqqez, who were protesting the environmental destruction caused by a local gold mine. Twenty-two-year-old Mohammad Amin Rashidi was killed, and two others were wounded. Authorities withheld his body from the family and blocked access to hospitals for the injured.

Following the killing, the Saqqez Governor and the local IRGC commander personally pressured the victim’s relatives, forcing a secret nighttime burial. By denying the family the right to mourn publicly, the authorities sought to prevent Rashidi from becoming a symbol of resistance.

Families Of 2022 Protest Victims Summoned And Threatened On The Third Anniversary Of Nationwide Protests

On September 16, shopkeepers and merchants in Saqqez—Amini’s hometown—and in Divandarreh launched a sweeping general strike, shutting down markets in an act of civil defiance. The regime responded by effectively militarizing Saqqez, sealing off roads, deploying IRGC troops around Aychi cemetery, where Amini is buried, and even patrolling the skies with helicopters to prevent mourners from reaching Amini’s grave.

Tehran and Karaj: Defiance in the Capital

That evening, defiance spread to Tehran. In the Sadeghieh (Ariashahr) district, protesters chanted the uprising’s central slogan—“Death to the dictator!”—while creating traffic jams to disrupt security forces. When plainclothes agents moved to disperse them, the crowd countered with chants of “Bisharaf, Bisharaf!” (“Dishonorable!”).

Other neighborhoods joined in: in Tehranpars, chants of “Death to Khamenei, damn Khomeini” rang out; in Jordan district, citizens voiced opposition from rooftops.

In Karaj, a powerful symbolic protest emerged. In Gohardasht, a lone woman stood atop a public trash bin and shouted: “You have turned Iran into a prison!”—a message that resonated far beyond the city.

Nationwide Echo: Protests Over Rights and Livelihood

Parallel to political protests, economic unrest has surged across Iran. Oil workers at the Aghajari Oil and Gas Production Company held rallies demanding the removal of restrictive salary caps, pension reforms, and the implementation of Article 10 of state employment law. Similar protests have also rocked the Pars Special Gas Complex and offshore oil platforms.

Teachers, retirees, and doctors joined the movement. In Kermanshah, retired teachers staged their seventh rally, chanting “Our pain is your pain, people join us!” One teacher summed up the despair: “We have become a collection of misfortunes and troubles: poverty, corruption, prostitution, unemployment, brain drain, land subsidence… I don’t know what’s left.”

In Fars Province, family doctors protested four months of unpaid wages, warning of an impending collapse of the healthcare system. These demonstrations followed earlier unrest on September 15, which saw protests by telecommunications retirees in five cities, medical residents in Tehran, and educators from the Literacy Movement demanding job security.

A Convergence of Political and Economic Outrage

The events of September 15 and 16 highlight the merging of political defiance with economic despair. From the killing of Rashidi in Saqqez to the unpaid doctors in Fars, and from chants in Tehran’s streets to symbolic acts in Karaj, a consistent message has emerged: the regime has failed its people at every level.

Unable to address grievances, the leadership in Tehran has resorted to force—deploying the IRGC to suppress protests, blocking cemeteries, and silencing grieving families. The reliance on brute repression is widely seen as a stark admission of illegitimacy.

The struggle for a free, democratic, and prosperous Iran continues, fueled by the memory of martyrs and the daily fight for survival. Despite the regime’s heavy-handed suppression, the protests signal that its foundations are increasingly unstable.

Families Of 2022 Protest Victims Summoned And Threatened On The Third Anniversary Of Nationwide Protests

Information circulating on social media reveals threats and pressure exerted on the families of those killed during the nationwide uprising in Iran in 2022.

Coinciding with the third anniversary of the regime’s killing of Mahsa (Jina) Amini, intelligence and security agencies summoned or threatened by phone several families of those killed and victims of the Iranian regime’s crackdown.

According to reports, some family members were summoned to intelligence offices in Tehran and other cities.

Anniversary Of The 2022 Protest Movement, A Turning Point in Iran’s History

In the past two years, similar reports had emerged of widespread threats and attempts to prevent gatherings commemorating Mahsa and other victims of the revolutionary uprising.

In early August 2023, the regime’s security forces summoned several detainees from the 2022 nationwide movement and demanded that they pledge not to leave their homes during the second week of September.

Amjad Amini: Kurdistan and Iran will not forget Mahsa

Despite the regime’s continued pressure, on September 15, Amjad Amini, Mahsa’s father, posted an Instagram Story, writing “on the anniversary of the martyrdom of Mahsa, the unforgettable Jina of Kurdistan and Iran,” honoring her and other victims of the protests.

In this story, he wrote: “Kurdistan and Iran will never forget the withering beauty and the faded smiles of its flowers, and we too will never forget the butterflies of smiles on the lips of our flower of life, our Jina, our hope.”

Amini, emphasizing that the memory and “justice seeking” for Jina and other protest victims will not be forgotten, added: “The loss of our beloved and the grief of this inner fire will continue to burn eternally like a volcano within us… A martyr of the homeland does not need lamentation; for they live eternally in the nation’s heart.”

He had earlier reminded that September 16 would mark the third anniversary of his daughter’s state killing.

Iranian Regime Executes Detainee from 2022 Protests

The post sparked widespread reactions on social media, with many users interpreting it as an indication that a commemoration for Mahsa Amini would be held on September 16.

In the past two days, Iranians abroad have taken to the streets in several European countries including Sweden, Switzerland, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Denmark, Germany, France, and Cyprus, as well as in the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. These demonstrations were held on the eve of Mahsa’s third anniversary to honor the memory of those killed in recent protests and to support political prisoners.

On September 13, 2022, Mahsa Amini was arrested and beaten by the regime’s morality police. Three days later, she died from the severity of her injuries at Kasra Hospital in Tehran.

Following this incident, protests first erupted in Tehran and then spread to many parts of Iran.

According to the National Council of Resistance of Iran, during the revolutionary uprising at least 750 protesters, including 68 children, were killed.

Iran’s regime health ministry: Most top 100 medical exam entrants have emigrated

Shahin Akhoundzadeh, deputy minister for research and technology at the regime’s health ministry, said meritocracy is the most important factor in retaining elites. He reported that “most of the top 100 entrants in the university entrance exam” in medical sciences are emigrating because of the lack of suitable conditions for employment in the country.

On Monday, September 15, in an interview with the state-run ISNA news agency, Akhoundzadeh said graduates in basic sciences often return to Iran after some time, but clinical specialists, especially doctors, show far less interest in coming back.

He added: “If we show our young elites that university presidents, ministers, and deputies are chosen from among the elites—that is, if meritocracy rules—then talented youth will be motivated to serve in the country.”

Akhoundzadeh reminded that one of the most important reasons for emigration is that “our elites do not see meritocracy in the country.”

These remarks come as Iran’s regime president Masoud Pezeshkian has repeatedly pointed the finger at the educated class regarding elite emigration while ignoring the role of the ruling establishment.

On September 11, Pezeshkian blamed the educational system for the wave of youth and elite emigration, saying: “The schools we have built today raise one-dimensional and arrogant individuals instead of well-rounded humans. People who do not believe in their country and homeland and think they can only achieve a position abroad.”

In May, he had also said: “Why do we educate elites in a way that makes them want to go abroad? What kind of education is this, when 90% want to emigrate?”

Emigration of professors

The deputy minister for research and technology of the regime’s health ministry further stated that in the past one to two years, the number of faculty members emigrating from the country’s medical universities has not increased.

At the same time, Akhoundzadeh said that whenever Iran’s economic and social problems intensify, the likelihood of new waves of elite emigration increases.

Growing Wave of Professor Migration Poses Serious Challenge To Iran’s Scientific Future

He emphasized that improving the research environment could prevent elite emigration: “A large number of top-ranked medical students working with me on research projects believe that if proper research conditions existed in the country, they would not emigrate.”

Earlier, on March 23, Mohammad Jalili, head of the faculty recruitment center at the health ministry, warned that faculty departures had reached the country’s top universities.

In recent years, the growing trend of youth and elite emigration has raised widespread concerns.

On June 10, Bahram Salavati, researcher and former director of Iran Migration Observatory, reported that for the first time in the country’s history, the number of Iranian students abroad had exceeded 100,000, and only 1% of them return to Iran.