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Iranian Regime FM: Tehran Will Never Join the Abraham Accords

Esmaeil Mohades
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Iranian Regime FM: Tehran Will Never Join the Abraham Accords

Abbas Araghchi, the foreign minister of Iran’s regime, declared that the Abraham Accords are “incompatible” with the “ideals” of the Iranian regime and that Tehran will never join any peace agreements with Israel.

On the evening of Saturday, October 11, Araghchi, in an interview with the state-run IRINN, referred to recent remarks by U.S. President Donald Trump regarding the possibility of Iran joining the Abraham Accords and normalizing relations with Israel, saying, “Trump usually expresses what he is interested in, in different forms.”

He also described the Abraham peace agreements as “treacherous.”

Narcotics Iran Regime’s Income Source for Terrorism

On September 29, during a joint press conference with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump had expressed hope that Tehran would one day join the agreement.

Officials of Iran’s regime had previously also rejected the Abraham peace agreement.

The foreign minister of Iran’s regime continued the interview by expressing support for a ceasefire in Gaza but emphasized that there is “no trust” in Israel regarding such efforts.

Araghchi accused Israel of violating past ceasefire agreements, including those in Lebanon, and said, “We have issued the necessary warnings.”

He added that Tehran has always supported any initiative or measure aimed at halting the war in Gaza.

Referring to the first stage of the Gaza ceasefire—entailing the cessation of military operations and initial withdrawal of Israeli forces—Araghchi said that “more than 50% of Gaza’s territory is still occupied” by the Israeli army.

He stressed the regime’s “constant support” for “the resistance and the people of Palestine.”

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Araghchi: Trump’s Interpretation Is His Own Concern

Regarding Trump’s comments about Tehran’s support for the Gaza ceasefire plan, Araghchi said, “The interpretation that Mr. Trump has made of the foreign ministry’s statement and Iran’s position is his own concern.”

He continued, “We are straightforward; we have supported the part of the ceasefire plan that relates to stopping the crimes.”

Earlier, Trump had stated that Iranian regime officials had supported his peace plan.

Talks Between the Iranian Regime and the U.S.

In the same interview, Araghchi addressed the issue of negotiations with Washington, stating, “We have not sent any message to the United States, and no negotiations have taken place.”

He added, “In the past, the United States also tried to combine regional issues with nuclear negotiations, but we have always firmly stated that our talks have been and will remain solely about the nuclear issue.”

Araghchi noted, “At no time, either in the past or recently, have we negotiated with the United States or any other party about non-nuclear issues, particularly regarding the resistance.”

“The Axis of Resistance” is a term used by Iranian regime officials and media to refer to armed groups backed by Tehran in the region, such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), and the Houthis.

The Iranian regime’s foreign minister also announced the suspension of the Cairo agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), saying that this agreement “has lost its effectiveness.”

Araghchi continued, “If the IAEA has any inspection request, it will be reviewed by the Supreme National Security Council according to parliamentary law… Some of our cooperation with the Agency benefits us, such as the presence of inspectors for refueling the Bushehr power plant or at the Tehran research reactor.”

He also addressed the return of United Nations sanctions against Tehran, saying that no reports have yet been received regarding inspections of Iranian ships, but “if such a matter occurs, we will definitely respond in kind.”

Washington Sanctions 26 Companies Linked To Tehran, Including U.S. Chipmaker Subsidiaries

Hoshang Amiri
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Washington Sanctions 26 Companies Linked To Tehran, Including U.S. Chipmaker Subsidiaries

The U.S. government sanctioned more than 20 companies in China, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates, including several subsidiaries of an American semiconductor manufacturer, for “illegally supporting” Iran’s regime military forces and its proxy groups.

On October 8, the U.S. Department of Commerce announced that two subsidiaries of the American company Arrow Electronics, based in China and Hong Kong, have been added to the “Entity List” of sanctioned organizations.

Reward For Disrupting Iran’s Oil Sanctions Evasion Network

The decision was made due to their role in facilitating the purchase of American technologies for Iran’s regime proxy forces in the region.

According to the BIS, which oversees U.S. exports, a total of 26 companies and three new addresses have been added to the sanctions list.

U.S. President Donald Trump, after returning to the White House, has once again placed the “maximum pressure” strategy at the center of his policy toward Iran’s regime, imposing extensive sanctions on Tehran.

This approach aims to curb Iran’s regional activities, prevent progress in its nuclear program, and weaken its proxy militias.

Reason Behind the New U.S. Department of Commerce Sanctions

The U.S. Department of Commerce stated that analysis of the remains of drones shot down in the Middle East since 2017, used by Tehran’s proxy forces, revealed that some American-made electronic components—including products from Arrow Electronics and its subsidiaries—had been used in these drones.

According to the department, these components were identified after examining the wreckage of drones in Gulf and Middle Eastern countries.

The United States first considered imposing sanctions on Arrow Electronics in 2020.

At that time, it was suspected that one of the company’s Asian subsidiaries had provided certain technologies to foreign military entities.

However, Arrow denied the allegations at the time, stating that its subsidiary had no involvement in any military-related activities.

Among the companies listed in the new sanctions, five were added after analyzing the remains of drones belonging to Hamas.

These drones were intercepted and shot down by the Israeli military’s defense systems during the deadly October 7 attack.

According to the department, American-made components found in the wreckage of Hamas drones had reached the group through the sanctioned companies.

From now on, U.S. companies are prohibited from selling goods or technologies to these sanctioned entities without government authorization.

Trail Of A Helicopter Parts Supply Network For Iran’s Regime Spanning The U.S., UAE, Portugal, And Sweden

Sia Rajabi
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Trail Of A Helicopter Parts Supply Network For Iran’s Regime Spanning The U.S., UAE, Portugal, And Sweden

Last week, the United States sanctioned a transnational network for its involvement in a multi-year scheme aimed at supplying spare helicopter parts—and even a complete U.S.-made helicopter—to the armed forces of Iran’s regime.

In 2024, the U.S. government had also targeted several individuals involved in the same scheme through a civil forfeiture case.

Since then, the Haroon Research Institute began investigating the helicopter parts supply network serving Iran’s regime.

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The complaint associated with the forfeiture case shows that this network used intermediaries in Western Europe, a coordinator in Dubai, and a series of international transactions to conceal its ultimate destination—the Iranian regime’s armed forces.

The new U.S. sanctions list does not directly name one of the main suppliers based in New Jersey; however, Haroon’s investigation indicates that some helicopter components produced by this company were sent not only to Iran’s military-industrial sector but also to firms tied to Russia’s military structure.

The new U.S. sanctions, announced on October 1 following the reactivation of UN sanctions, represent Washington’s latest step to restrict Iran’s regime military supply chains.

Links Between “Pasargad Parvaz Kish” and Two Companies Based in Uruguay and Portugal

The U.S. Department of the Treasury identified the Iranian company Pasargad Parvaz Kish and its CEO, Mehdi Shirazi Shayesteh—active in Iran and Germany—as key figures in this network.

The state-owned Iran Helicopter Support and Renewal Company (PANHA) repeatedly requested helicopters and spare parts from Pasargad Parvaz Kish, which fulfilled these orders through a transnational procurement network.

The ownership structure of Pasargad Parvaz Kish is directly linked to Iran’s regime sanctioned financial networks. Among its shareholders is Arzesh Afarinan Pasargad, the investment arm of Bank Pasargad, which has already been blacklisted by Washington.

In addition to Iran, the supply network included several intermediaries and facilitators in Turkey, Portugal, and Germany—all of whom have now been sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury.

One of the key figures in this network is Amir Hossein Salimi, an Iranian partner of Shirazi Shayesteh and the CEO of “Perfect D” based in Uruguay.

According to the civil forfeiture case, Shirazi Shayesteh and Salimi agreed in May 2021 to launch a joint project in Portugal using their companies. They identified an existing business owned by a Portuguese citizen, Antonio Mira, and renamed it “Business United Unipessoal LDA.”

According to the complaint, their first move was to purchase a U.S.-made helicopter. Business United initially bought the helicopter, then transferred it to Perfect D, which ultimately delivered it to Pasargad Parvaz Kish.

Role of a U.S. Company in Supplying Helicopter Parts to Iran’s Regime

Cobra International, based in Union City, New Jersey, describes itself on its official website as a supplier and exporter of spare parts and services for both military and civilian sectors.

According to the civil forfeiture case, between 2021 and 2023, Business United conducted about seven transactions with Cobra International on behalf of Pasargad Parvaz Kish and, in late 2023, wired $209,000 to Cobra to purchase a second-hand helicopter engine.

Court documents also reveal that Cobra purchased this engine from a Chinese company.

According to the Haroon Institute, in 2022, Cobra sold helicopter parts worth $54,500 to Business United, but the latter requested that the shipment be sent to Nordic Air and Heli Invest in Sweden.

After the shipment arrived in Sweden, a company called Aviation Network transferred the parts to Pasargad Parvaz Kish in Iran.

Western Efforts to Target Sanctions-Evasion Networks

The helicopter parts supply network, relying on multilayered intermediaries, brokers in third countries, and seemingly legitimate front companies in Western Europe, illustrates the growing complexity of illicit chains that support sanctioned military programs.

Washington’s new measures reveal a shifting trend: Western authorities are now focusing not only on end users but also on the facilitators who enable such transactions.

$38 Billion In Export Revenues Have Not Yet Returned To Iran

Mehdi Hosseini
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$38 Billion In Export Revenues Have Not Yet Returned To Iran

According to official statistics over the past seven years, out of more than $169 billion in exports of refinery, petrochemical, and metal products, over $38 billion has not been repatriated to Iran. The state-run Tasnim news agency noted that steel and copper companies are at the top of the list of violators.

Hossein Samsami, a member of the Economic Committee of Iran’s regime parliament, stated on Thursday, October 9, that based on official statistics, from 2022 to 2025, total exports of refinery, petrochemical, and metal products reached more than $90 billion, but 26.7% of the foreign currency earned from these exports has not returned to Iran.

Iran’s Regime on The Brink of Economic Collapse as Oil Sanctions Close In

According to him, this figure was around 18% between 2018 and 2022.

Previously, the state-run IRNA news agency reported on March 10, 2025, criticizing large companies such as petrochemical firms—most of which are affiliated with regime institutions—for refusing to repatriate their export revenues.

The state-run newspaper Farhikhtegan wrote on September 20 that for nearly a decade, one of the major obstacles to the repatriation of export revenues has been the widespread use of “rented trade cards” by individuals or companies.

According to Farhikhtegan, these individuals or companies rent commercial cards from others—often impoverished or low-income people—to export goods, and in addition to not returning the export revenues, they also evade paying taxes and other state dues.

Tasnim reported that according to official figures, over the past three years, refinery product exports totaled $32.7 billion, of which $8.7 billion—about 26.6%—has not been returned.

In the same period, petrochemical exports totaled $24.5 billion, with $2.7 billion—11% of the total—remaining unrepatriated. Meanwhile, metal product exports amounted to $33.7 billion, of which $12.9 billion—38.2%—have not been returned.

These statistics were released despite the March 2022 amendment to Iran’s anti-smuggling law, which requires all exporters to repatriate 100% of their export revenues, with noncompliance subject to legal prosecution.

The Central Bank and the Currency Repatriation Task Force had previously warned that exporters who fail to meet their currency return commitments would be listed as currency violators and face trade restrictions.

Such warnings had been issued before. For instance, the state-run ISNA news agency reported on July 21, 2020, that government bodies warned exporters who fail to repatriate export revenues would face penalties such as “revocation or non-renewal of trade cards, suspension of import registration privileges, denial of facilities and services like the green customs channel, refusal of guarantees, and repayment of customs duties and tariffs.”

Authorities also threatened that the Tax Administration would revoke all tax exemptions and incentives for exporters failing to repatriate export revenues. The Central Bank would withhold foreign exchange allocation certificates, and commercial banks would suspend both rial and foreign currency facilities and guarantees for these individuals.

Previously, according to Samad Karimi, director of the Export Department of the Central Bank, around $27.5 billion in export revenues had not returned to Iran’s main economic cycle.

However, a review of reports from recent years shows that such warnings have been ineffective. As Tasnim notes, the available data indicate a significant gap between the law and the actual rate of currency repatriation.

Iran’s Regime on The Brink of Economic Collapse as Oil Sanctions Close In

Esmaeil Mohades
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Iran’s Regime on The Brink of Economic Collapse as Oil Sanctions Close In

Mohsen Paknejad, the oil minister of Iran’s regime, said: “The snapback does not add anything new to previous sanctions,” referring to the UN sanctions that were reinstated on September 28 due to the regime’s lack of cooperation on its nuclear program under the 2015 agreement with world powers. He also noted that so far, 25 sanction packages, including 480 new sanctions, have been imposed on Iran. However, the Iranian regime continues its oil exports to China.

However, data from the oil tanker tracking company Kpler shows that before the activation of the snapback mechanism, Iran was exporting about 1.46 million barrels of crude oil and condensate per day to China, a figure that has since declined.

Iranian Regime Puts Iran’s Oil on Sale in China with Bigger Discounts

Although none of the UN Security Council resolutions directly target Iran’s oil exports, their side effects are significant. These include the reinstatement of international sanctions on Iran’s shipping industry, a ban on selling fuel to Iranian tankers, inspections of ships suspected of carrying dual-use goods, and restrictions on financial transactions.

The daily charter rate for a foreign oil tanker under normal conditions is about $100,000, whereas the so-called “shadow fleet” tankers charge Iran several times that amount. To conceal the true origin of the oil, these shipments are transferred at least twice from one ship to another.

Hidden Costs and Greater Discounts for China

These tankers now face difficulties refueling at international ports, significantly increasing both the time and cost of transporting Iranian oil. Iran’s regime is therefore forced to offer steeper discounts to Chinese buyers, as even non-dollar currency transfers face challenges due to banking sanctions, and Chinese banks are compelled to comply with restrictions.

According to this year’s budget law, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is responsible for selling one-third of the country’s exported oil and collecting its revenue. The IRGC is under some of the most severe international sanctions, and any cooperation with it is closely monitored worldwide.

The rising costs of evading sanctions mean that a significant portion of foreign currency income is wasted, reducing the regime’s ability to import essential goods. Consequently, the budget deficit grows, imports become disrupted, and additional inflationary pressure burdens people’s livelihoods.

Who benefits under these circumstances — China, as the main buyer of Iranian oil, or the IRGC, which controls one-third of the country’s oil sales?

Experts also point out that the Iranian regime has not gained any tangible benefit from its nuclear projects. For example, the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant has been restarted twelve times using imported nuclear fuel from Russia and has never operated on domestically produced fuel.

Under these circumstances, the regime’s insistence on continuing uranium enrichment — despite repeated Israeli attacks on its nuclear facilities — is not justifiable and only benefits those who profit from sanctions while harming the Iranian people and the economy.

The Iranian people grow poorer every day, and the government is on the path to bankruptcy. Iran now stands on the brink of economic collapse, with little time left before reaching the point of no return. He adds that government debt has reached about 40% of the entire national economy, meaning the state’s financial structure has effectively collapsed.

Experts at the oil tracking company Kpler believe that Iran’s oil policy has reached a point where the regime must offer steep discounts to sell each barrel of oil and pay even higher transportation costs.

With the reactivation of the snapback mechanism, the Iranian regime is more isolated than ever, selling its oil below market prices.

In practice, China is Iran’s only real oil buyer — not out of friendship, but because it knows Iran’s regime is under pressure and has no choice but to sell cheap. This one-sided dependency has eliminated Iran’s bargaining power, leaving behind an economy that is dependent, fragile, and trapped in the vicious cycle of sanctions.

In a report on this matter, Deutsche Welle quoted Homayoun Falakshahi, senior oil and commodity data analyst at Kpler, as saying: “Six months ago, Iran was selling its oil with a one-dollar discount compared to Brent crude. This discount reached three dollars three months ago and has now increased to 6.5 dollars. At present, Iran is offering its oil at discounts of around 8 to 10 dollars compared to similar Middle Eastern crude.”

According to Falakshahi, with the return of UN sanctions, especially in the shipping sector, the cost of transporting Iranian oil will also increase. The volume of Iran’s oil exports may decline somewhat due to these restrictions, but a sharp or severe drop is not expected.

Iranian Workers’ Wages Have Fallen By 261% In Less Than Ten Years

Sia Rajabi
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Iranian Workers’ Wages Have Fallen By 261% In Less Than Ten Years

The state-run ILNA news agency reported that Iranian workers’ wages have experienced an unprecedented 261% decline in less than ten years.

In its report on Tuesday, October 7, ILNA wrote: “The base wage of $238 in 2016 has dropped to $91. In other words, the real wage this year is only 0.38 of what workers received in 2016.”

According to ILNA, in March 2016, the U.S. dollar traded at around 3,400 tomans on the open market, and the minimum monthly wage for workers covered by the labor law (excluding benefits such as seniority pay, child allowance, and food subsidies) was 812,000 tomans.

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Therefore, in March 2016, the minimum wage for workers under the labor law, without benefits, amounted to $238, and with benefits, it reached about $300 or slightly more.

The news agency added that amid currency shocks, the devaluation of the national currency, and wage suppression policies, while the value of the dollar has surged 33.5 times, the minimum wage approved by the Supreme Labor Council has risen only about tenfold—from 812,000 tomans in 2016 to roughly 10.4 million tomans this year.

The report emphasized that “accordingly, the minimum wage for workers this year, excluding side benefits, is only $91; even when including general benefits, it may reach around $110.”

According to reports and statements from labor activists—including members of pro-government labor organizations—workers’ purchasing power has drastically declined.

In this regard, Somayeh Golpour, head of the Association of Labor Guilds—a labor organization approved by Iran’s regime—stated on March 11, 2025, that workers’ purchasing power has fallen by 190% compared to thirteen years ago.

According to two clauses in Article 41 of the labor law, the monthly minimum wage for workers must be determined based on the inflation rate and the cost of living for a working household. However, independent labor organizations have consistently stated that the Supreme Labor Council ignores the second clause in its wage decisions.

Workers’ wages only cover 5 to 6 days of monthly expenses

According to the report, independent calculations of the living basket for working families—based on realistic food requirements and a table of basic meals prepared by labor activist Faramarz Tofighi—show that the minimum wage of 15.1 million tomans (about $130) for an average 3.3-member family covers only 12.43% of basic living costs, barely enough for five to six days of expenses each month.

Runaway Inflation and Soaring Prices of Essential Goods Have Brought Workers’ Livelihoods to a Dead End

Under these circumstances, Ahmad Meydari, the regime’s minister of labor, cooperatives, and social welfare, has rejected proposals to raise workers’ wages three times in recent weeks. Meanwhile, Malek Hosseini, deputy minister for entrepreneurship and employment, told the state-run Tasnim News Agency on October 4 that the minimum wage this year “was set above the inflation rate,” claiming that the ministry “does not intervene in wages beyond the minimum level.”

At the same time, Tasnim News Agency reported on the vast gap between the minimum wage and the monthly cost of living—over 50 million tomans (500 million rials, about $435)—noting that “many workers have not received their wages on time for months, and these delays have caused serious disruptions in their daily lives.”

The report stated that paying rent or housing installments, medical expenses, basic household needs, and even transportation costs have become major challenges. Economic experts note that delayed wages reduce purchasing power and increase financial pressure on working families, ultimately leading to declining living standards and rising poverty.

As economic hardship worsens, workers’ protests have expanded significantly in recent years. These protests have continued despite increased security and judicial crackdowns by Iran’s regime against workers and wage earners.

Building Owned By Iranian Regime Oil Company Seized in London

Hoshang Amiri
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Building Owned By Iranian Regime Oil Company Seized in London

Iranian media have reported that the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) lost its appeal in court and failed to prevent the transfer of a high-value building in central London as part of a $2.4 billion arbitration award owed to the Emirati company Crescent Petroleum.

According to these reports, the British Court of Appeal upheld a previous ruling that the property had been unlawfully transferred to a trust to keep it out of the reach of creditors.

So far, Crescent Petroleum has managed to recover part of the damages related to the Crescent contract through foreign court rulings.

On April 18, 2024, a British court ordered the seizure of this NIOC-owned building, valued at £100 million ($125 million), located in central London.

The building, known as NIOC House, is located near the British Parliament and Westminster Abbey and had been owned by Iran for about fifty years.

Iranian domestic media reported that Crescent Petroleum argued the transfer of the building was intended to prevent creditors from accessing it and therefore filed a complaint with the court.

According to these reports, the initial court had ruled in favor of Crescent, nullifying the transfer of ownership, and on September 29, the Court of Appeal rejected NIOC’s objection and upheld the previous decision ordering the confiscation of the NIOC House building.

The Crescent contract is one of the most politically contentious cases in Iran’s oil and gas industry.

The contract, signed in 2002, involved the daily sale of 500 million cubic feet of sour gas from Iran’s Salman oil field to Crescent Petroleum.

However, in one of the related court rulings, Iran’s regime was ordered to pay $607 million in damages to Crescent Petroleum for failing to uphold the contract.

Confiscation of NIOC assets in favor of Crescent

The National Iranian Oil Company previously maintained offices in five countries: the United Kingdom, China, Singapore, the Netherlands, and India.

After the seizure of its offices in London and Rotterdam, the company no longer has any offices in Europe.

Esmaeil Baghaei, spokesperson for Iran’s regime foreign ministry, described reports in February 2025 about the seizure of another NIOC building in Rotterdam, the Netherlands, as “inaccurate,” but did not clarify what actually happened to the property.

According to published reports, despite NIOC’s objections, the transfer of its Rotterdam office building—worth $2.6 billion in debt repayment to Crescent Petroleum—was approved, and the building was officially transferred to the Dutch company Heuvel.

The building, which had been seized under an international arbitration ruling, was sold to Heuvel on April 20, 2023, through a public auction.

The state-run daily Shargh reported that NIOC had previously asked the Dutch court to annul the April 2023 auction and return ownership of the building, arguing that, as state property, it should be immune from seizure or sale under international law.

In response, the auction’s winning company, Heuvel, stated that it had purchased the building in a legal auction and therefore was the rightful owner.

Ultimately, the court rejected all of NIOC’s requests, including its bid to reclaim the property.

The state-run Iran newspaper also reported that the seizure of the building was related to claims arising from the cancellation of the Crescent contract.

The paper described the loss as the result of “political maneuvering by behind-the-scenes actors” over the cancellation of the Crescent deal.

Head Of Tehran Chamber of Guilds: 70% Of People’s Livelihoods Are Unaffected by International Events

Mehdi Hosseini
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Head Of Tehran Chamber of Guilds: 70% Of People’s Livelihoods Are Unaffected by International Events

The head of the Tehran Chamber of Guilds criticized the silence of regime leaders over rising prices, saying that up to 70% of the production and supply of goods, essential commodities, and people’s livelihoods “have nothing to do with international events.”

Hamidreza Rastgar, speaking on Monday, October 6, to the state-run ILNA news agency, emphasized that these events “affect only 30% of goods,” and sometimes this effect “may be significant, moderate, or even negligible.”

He said: “For example, whether or not the dollar affects the import of luxury goods has no impact on the lives of the middle class. Only a small percentage of our society, due to their economic capability, use luxury goods.”

Iran’s Carpets Industry on the Decline as Economy Continues to Spiral Down

Rastgar made these remarks in connection with the causes of rising prices in the market and ongoing debates about the impact of triggering the “snapback” mechanism on prices.

Earlier, on September 30, amid Iranian media reports about the psychological impact of triggering the snapback mechanism on the economy, Masoud Pezeshkian, president of Iran’s regime, accused the United States of “using the snapback to intensify pressure on the nation and stir internal discontent.”

On August 28, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany initiated a 30-day process to reimpose United Nations sanctions against Iran. The Iranian regime condemned the move.

In another part of his interview with ILNA, Rastgar said regarding the price hikes: “What has happened is largely a media and psychological war, pushing people to worry about what might occur and what the snapback mechanism is actually targeting.”

He added: “One of the main issues is that officials in the country are not explaining the snapback mechanism clearly and are not saying how much it could affect economic trends or how much it already has.”

Rastgar also emphasized the importance of preventing rising inflation, saying: “Those who make monetary, banking, and fiscal policies must stop artificial inflation.”

Rising prices and a sharp decline in sales of essential goods

In recent days and weeks, numerous reports have been published about the uncontrolled surge in prices across Iran.

The state-run Ham-Mihan daily wrote on Monday, October 6: “Alongside the rise in essential goods prices, sales of meat, chicken, fish, legumes, eggs, and dairy products in Tehran have dropped significantly compared to a year ago. Many customers now request to buy rice and legumes in very small quantities, just enough for one meal.”

According to the report, some butcher shops in southern Tehran have stopped selling meat due to soaring prices and, in some cases, have faced “requests to buy chicken scraps.”

Ham-Mihan added: “Data from the Ministry of Health shows that between 2006 and 2023, red meat consumption among low-income groups dropped by 40%, while bread consumption—being a cheaper source of calories—rose substantially.”

This comes as the price of bread has sharply increased in recent months with the authorization of Pezeshkian’s government.

In this context, labor and trade organizations have criticized the regime’s indifference, saying this trend harms the families of workers and other wage earners.

Currently, the base salary for a worker covered under the labor law is around 11 million tomans (110 million rials, roughly $100) per month. Even pro-government labor associations estimate that the monthly cost of living in large cities is about 50 million tomans (500 million rials, roughly $450).

World Bank: Iran’s Economy Continues to Shrink

Hoshang Amiri
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World Bank: Iran’s Economy Continues to Shrink

The World Bank has projected that Iran’s economy will contract by nearly 2% this year, with the shrinking trend expected to continue into next year.

According to the latest World Bank report, released on Tuesday, October 7, the average GDP growth for the MENA-P region (Middle East, North Africa, Afghanistan, and Pakistan) is estimated at 2.8% for this year.

This figure is higher than the 2.6% growth projection the World Bank made in its April report.

The report states that this improvement mainly stems from stronger economic activity in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, following an earlier-than-expected end to oil production cuts and the expansion of non-oil sectors.

Iranian Regime Puts Iran’s Oil on Sale in China with Bigger Discounts

However, the institution warned that developing oil-exporting countries will experience a sharp decline in growth, largely due to disruptions caused by regional conflicts and reduced oil production levels.

According to the report, Iran’s economy will contract by 1.7% this year and by a further 2.8% next year.

In its April report, the World Bank had projected a 0.7% growth for Iran’s economy in 2026.

The World Bank attributed this outlook to simultaneous declines in oil exports and non-oil activities due to intensified sanctions—including the reinstatement of United Nations sanctions—and the economic consequences of the recent 12-day war.

With the end of the 30-day period set in the UN Security Council’s snapback mechanism, all previous UN sanctions against Iran’s regime were reinstated at 3:30 a.m. Tehran time on Sunday, September 28.

In recent weeks, Iranian regime officials have warned of a “harsh response” to the sanctions’ reinstatement, threatening measures such as withdrawal from the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the pursuit of a nuclear bomb.

The World Bank stressed in its report that the entire region remains affected by the consequences of ongoing conflicts in Syria, Yemen, Lebanon, the West Bank, Gaza, and Afghanistan.

These conflicts have triggered humanitarian crises, mass displacement, and severe economic stagnation.

Overall, the institution raised its forecast for economic growth in the Middle East, North Africa, Afghanistan, and Pakistan for 2025 but revised downward its projection for the coming year.

Corporal Punishment in Iran’s School Causes Death of Student

Esmaeil Mohades
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Corporal Punishment in Iran’s School Causes Death of Student

Alireza Monadi, head of the Education and Research Commission of Iran’s regime parliament (Majlis), announced that the death of Nima Najafi, a student from the village of Sohrin in Zanjan Province, was due to corporal punishment.

In a letter to Alireza Kazemi, the regime’s minister of education, Monadi wrote: “We have been informed that this middle school student died on October 1 due to cardiac arrest caused by corporal punishment and physical strain imposed by school officials.”

Calling the incident “deeply tragic,” he urged the minister of education to order a thorough investigation into the matter and to report the results to the Majlis Commission on Education, Research, and Technology.

950,000 Iranian Children Deprived of Education

Monadi emphasized: “Necessary orders must be issued so that we no longer witness such tragic and heartbreaking incidents.”

On October 2, the state-run Didban Iran news website, citing the student’s uncle and the school’s surveillance footage, reported that the student had been forced to run twice around the schoolyard as punishment. When he attempted to stand in line afterward, he fell to the ground after feeling unwell.

He added that Nima was overweight compared to his peers, which contributed to his cardiac arrest.

Emergency responders who arrived at the school found that the fourteen-year-old had lost consciousness and that his heart and lungs had stopped functioning.

The corporal punishment of students in Iranian schools has a long history, and numerous reports over the years have documented such incidents. This shows that corporal punishment is not a relic of past decades but continues to occur in schools across the country.

In November 2024, the state-run daily Ham-Mihan published a report titled “Education by the Whip,” revealing that corporal punishment of students continues in Iran’s schools.

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