With the confirmation of the upcoming talks between the European Troika and the Iranian regime in Istanbul, the state-run daily Farhikhtegan wrote that Europe intends to suspend the snapback mechanism in exchange for the return of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors. The deputy chairman of the Iranian regime’s parliament’s National Security Commission also referred to keeping the Strait of Hormuz open as Tehran’s bargaining chip in the negotiations.
Abbas Moqtadaei, deputy chairman of the regime’s parliamentary commission on national security and foreign policy, told the state-run Borna News Agency that if Europe activates the snapback mechanism, Tehran’s response would be to target the “security of a vast network of waterways.”
He added that this would not be limited to the region, the Persian Gulf, and the Strait of Hormuz, but would also include other maritime areas, given the Iranian regime’s naval capabilities and developments.
Ismail Baqaei, spokesperson for the Iranian regime’s Foreign Ministry, announced early Monday, July 21, that nuclear negotiations with the three countries—Britain, France, and Germany—will resume on Friday, July 25, 2025, in Istanbul at the deputy foreign minister level.
Later that day, Baqaei described Iran’s talks with the European countries as being at the level of deputy ministers and added: “Wherever we feel diplomacy can be used to achieve the rights of the Iranian nation, we will not hesitate.”
Recently, the three European countries had warned the Iranian regime to immediately resume diplomatic talks and take concrete steps to resolve the nuclear issue. Otherwise, the snapback mechanism would be triggered on August 31.
Referring to these threats, Moqtadaei stressed: “If the Europeans exert pressure, we also have our own tools… We can create trouble for them in the region, especially in West Asia, the Persian Gulf, and the Sea of Oman.”
Over the past years, the Iranian regime has repeatedly threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz but has never carried out the threat.
On June 22, Esmail Kowsari, a member of the regime’s parliamentary commission on national security, stated that the Majlis (parliament) has approved a plan to close the Strait of Hormuz. However, this resolution is not binding, and the final decision lies with the Supreme National Security Council.
The Strait of Hormuz is a strategic passage between the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman and is one of the most vital shipping lanes in the world, with more than 21 million barrels of oil and about one-third of global liquefied natural gas exports passing through it daily.
The Iranian regime also relies on this strait for exporting its oil and importing goods.
Leverage: Return of IAEA Inspectors
In a report referring to the July 25 talks, the state-run daily Farhikhtegan wrote that none of the officials have yet made any statements about the mechanism or agenda of the negotiations, but the likely topic will be the activation of the snapback mechanism.
The paper wrote that Europe wants the International Atomic Energy Agency’s monitoring in Iran to resume and for the inspectors to return.
According to this outlet, the European side has conditioned the postponement of the snapback mechanism on the IAEA Director General presenting a satisfactory report to the European Troika and the UN Security Council.
Following the U.S. attack on Iranian regime nuclear facilities, Tehran’s pressure tactics and bargaining chips in negotiations with both the U.S. and Europe appear to revolve around threats to close the Strait of Hormuz, withdrawal from the NPT, increased uranium enrichment, allowing IAEA inspectors back into Iran, and even the release of European hostages, including French nationals imprisoned in Iran.
On July 20, Iranian regime foreign minister Abbas Araghchi sent a letter to UN Secretary-General António Guterres warning against the possible activation of the snapback mechanism against the Iranian regime and wrote:
“…E3 lacks any legal, political, and moral standing to invoke the mechanisms of the JCPOA and UN Resolution 2231 (2015).”
In a letter addressed to UNSG @Antonioguterres, the President of the Security Council, EU High Rep Kaja and members of the UN Security Council, I have outlined why the E3 lacks any legal, political, and moral standing to invoke the mechanisms of the JCPOA and UN Resolution 2231…
— Seyed Abbas Araghchi (@araghchi) July 20, 2025
Following the end of the 12-day war with Israel, Araghchi equated Europe’s activation of the snapback mechanism with a military attack on the Iranian regime and made the start of negotiations conditional on guarantees of no further military assaults.
