The Iranian regime is perpetrating widespread brutality against its citizens during the ongoing protests that erupted in late 2025, with estimates ranging from several thousand to over 36,000 deaths amid a severe crackdown by security forces.
Entities such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Basij militia, Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS), and State Security Forces (SSF) have raided hospitals across the country, including in Tehran, Ilam, Esfahan, and other provinces, deploying tear gas, firing metal pellets, arresting injured protesters directly from treatment beds, and assaulting medical staff.
Under nationwide internet blackouts, these forces impose curfews, conduct mass arbitrary arrests, and subject detainees to torture, including sexual violence. This orchestrated repression, condemned by Amnesty International and the United Nations as potential crimes against humanity, demands urgent international intervention—not mere condemnation, but strategic support for the Iranian people’s survival.
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Legally and politically, the Iranian people possess an inherent right to self-defense against such systemic tyranny. International law recognizes self-defense as a fundamental principle when state actions amount to widespread oppression. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) preamble articulates this clearly: “it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law.”
When the rule of law collapses—as it has in Iran, with security forces turning hospitals into battlegrounds and labeling unarmed protesters “terrorists” to justify lethal force—citizens are justified in using proportional means to protect their lives and dignity. This aligns with precedents in international jurisprudence, where resistance to authoritarian regimes is viewed not as terrorism, but as a legitimate response to crimes against humanity under the Rome Statute.
Politically, denying this right perpetuates impunity for oppressors, eroding global human rights norms and emboldening similar regimes worldwide. Acknowledging self-defense is not an endorsement of chaos; it is a pragmatic recognition that peaceful avenues have been exhausted, with protests met by gunfire, tanks, and arbitrary executions.
The Iranian people have long had organized resistance to channel this right, exemplified by groups like the People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) and its National Liberation Army (NLA), which historically positioned themselves as a counterforce to the regime’s aggression.
Yet, the West’s political and strategic missteps undermined this, beginning with the 1997 U.S. designation of the PMOI as a terrorist group—a move driven not by evidence, but as a concession to Iranian regime’s president Mohammad Khatami to foster dialogue. As a Clinton Administration official later admitted, it was a “goodwill gesture” to Tehran. The UK, EU, and others followed, but legal scrutiny revealed the designation’s flaws: procedural errors, lack of proof of terrorism, and a mischaracterization of the group.
The PMOI ultimately won all legal challenges, leading to its delisting—by the UK in 2008, EU in 2009, Canada and U.S. in 2012. French courts, in a 2011 ruling dismissing terrorism charges from a 2003 raid, explicitly probed the PMOI’s armed struggle and recognized it as legitimate resistance against a tyrannical regime, not terrorism.
This judicial affirmation highlighted the political motivations behind the bans, which effectively outlawed the Iranian people’s organized efforts to overthrow the mullahs.
The consequences of this appeasement were profound. The 1997 designation paved the way for the disarmament of the NLA in Iraq after the 2003 U.S. invasion, stripping Iranians of a key mechanism for self-defense and rebellion as enshrined in the UDHR. This created a strategic vacuum that Tehran exploited ruthlessly.
With Iraq’s previous regime toppled, Iran’s IRGC-Qods Force flooded Iraq with proxies like Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq and Kata’ib Hezbollah, arming them with sophisticated weapons that killed hundreds of U.S. troops and ignited sectarian violence claiming thousands of lives. Tehran’s investments—millions funneled to commanders like Qassem Soleimani—expanded this network: Hezbollah in Lebanon, Houthis in Yemen, militias in Syria, and beyond. The regime poured billions, including over $50 billion into Syria from 2012 to 2020, building an “axis of resistance” that destabilizes the Middle East, and undermines global security.
Had the West not disarmed the NLA and sidelined organized Iranian opposition, a domestic counterweight might have checked the reach of the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism—rather than leaving the field to its proxies.
Today, amid the regime’s unrelenting violence—deploying IRGC and Basij to fire on crowds in dozens of cities across Iran, the international community must reverse course. Designate the MOIS, IRGC, Basij, and SSF as terrorist organizations, building on U.S. actions from 2019 and recent moves by Canada and others. This would freeze assets, restrict operations, and dismantle their impunity. Crucially, declare these forces legitimate targets for self-defense, empowering Iranians to exercise their UDHR-recognized right to rebellion.
Allowing the Iranian people to liberate themselves is not only just for Iran—where it would foster a democratic transition—but essential for global security. By isolating Tehran and supporting internal change, the world can dismantle the leading state sponsor of terrorism, halting proxy wars, reducing regional instability, and advancing human rights. The alternative—continued appeasement—invites more massacres and global threats. It is time to correct history’s mistake and stand with Iran’s aspirations for freedom.
