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Iranian Regime’s Judiciary Announces Execution of 9 Prisoners

Hoshang Amiri
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Iranian Regime’s Judiciary Announces Execution of 9 Prisoners

Mizan News Agency, affiliated with the judiciary of Iran’s regime, reported the execution of nine prisoners who had been arrested in 2018 and sentenced to death on charges of “waging war against God through rebellion, armed uprising, and possession of military weapons.”

On Tuesday, June 10, the Judiciary’s media center referred to the executed individuals as members of the “ISIS group” but did not disclose their identities, nationalities, or the time and place of the executions. It stated, “After being arrested and undergoing legal and judicial procedures, they were hanged.”

According to Mizan, the group attempted to enter Iran from the western region on January 27, 2018. They were reportedly surrounded by Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) forces, and during the confrontation, three IRGC members were killed.

The judiciary’s news agency wrote that after court hearings; the Revolutionary Court sentenced the nine individuals to death. The sentences were upheld by the Supreme Court and subsequently carried out by hanging.

Over 1,000 Executions in Eight Months

Human rights organizations in Iran have previously condemned mass executions and called on the international community to respond urgently to halt the unprecedented wave of executions in the country.

Following the killing of Hassan Nasrallah and the growing threat of war between Iran and Israel, the Iranian regime escalated its implementation of death sentences and announced that this trend would continue.

Since October 1, 2024, over the past eight months and ten days, at least 1,020 people have been executed in Iran—an average of one execution every six hours.

The sharp rise in the issuance, confirmation, and enforcement of death sentences in Iran in recent months has sparked a wave of domestic and international protests. Human rights organizations have repeatedly called for a halt to the executions and the upholding of fair trial standards.

NCRI-US Reveals Iran’s Secret Nuclear Weapon Program – The Kavir Plan

Sia Rajabi
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NCRI-US Reveals Iran’s Secret Nuclear Weapon Program – The Kavir Plan

On June 10, 2025, the U.S. Representative Office of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI-US) held a press conference revealing new intelligence on Iran’s ongoing nuclear weapons program. Alireza Jafarzadeh, Deputy Director of NCRI-US, cited information from the PMOI network inside Iran, exposing the regime’s continuation of nuclear weaponization under the covert “Kavir Plan,” initiated in 2009 by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

NCRI-US Director Soona Samsami stressed, “Tehran’s goal remains the development of the bomb,” calling for urgent international action: activating the UN snapback mechanism, reimposing sanctions, halting uranium enrichment, dismantling the IRGC’s missile program, and permitting “snap IAEA inspections with no exemptions for military or civilian facilities.”

The Kavir Plan replaced the “Amad Plan,” dismantled in 2003 after being exposed. Now disguised as “desert security” operations in Semnan Province, it functions under SPND (Organization of Defensive Innovation and Research), the regime’s body for nuclear weaponization. The program uses missile and radar infrastructure to mask activities and has identified key sites in Ivanaki, Shahroud, and Semnan.

According to the IAEA’s May 2025 report, “four current sites under investigation are linked to Iran’s earlier Amad Plan,” proving continuity in nuclear development. These facilities advance warhead design, missile integration, and explosive testing—operating within a highly compartmentalized, state-run structure built for rapid deployment.

Nuclear Secrecy and Brutal Repression: Two Sides of the Same Coin in Iran’s Struggle for Survival

Technological developments include solid- and liquid-fueled missiles and boosted nuclear warheads with ranges exceeding 3,000 kilometers. Drones, restricted airspace, and map manipulation support secrecy. The NCRI confirmed, “The declared goal of ‘desert security’ has provided an effective cover for the Kavir Plan.”

The Kavir Plan began with a 2009 directive by regime supreme leader Ali Khamenei and was embedded in regime institutions. Semnan Province was declared a military zone under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s presidency. SPND’s status was elevated within the Ministry of Defense.

“Since December 2024, the Iranian Resistance has revealed four sites associated with the Kavir Plan: The Ivanaki (Eyvanekey) site, the Noor-al-Din Abad Garmsar radar site, the Shahroud missile site, and the expansion of the Semnan missile site.”

Military zones are divided into Red, Yellow, and Blue. The Red Zone prohibits all civilian access and contains core nuclear operations. Sites include:

  • Rangin-Kaman (Ivanaki): A strategic SPND facility.
  • Ghadir Site: Regional radar and air defense, IRGC-controlled.
  • Me’raj-1: Central missile site for Simorgh warheads.
  • Imam Reza Training Center (Shahroud): Developing warheads for the Ghaem-100 missile.
  • Additional sites support logistics and air defense.

The NCRI stated, “The first four locations listed are part of the Kavir Plan,” while others serve broader military roles.

Security is enforced by the “Kavir Security Unit” and the IRGC’s “Sahib al-Zaman Base.” Agencies use drones with facial recognition, satellite tracking, and surveillance aircraft. Roads were deleted from public maps to prevent discovery. “The IRGC Intelligence Organization has consistently arrested foreign nationals traveling in the region and subjected them to interrogation.”

The original Amad Plan (1999–2003) aimed to develop five warheads for Shahab-3 missiles. Key sites handled uranium extraction, enrichment, warhead fabrication, and explosive testing. This project halted after the NCRI exposed Lavisan-Shian in 2003.

The Kavir Plan, operational since 2009, targets “boosted nuclear warheads for missiles with a range exceeding 3,000 kilometers.” SPND, based in the Noor Building in Tehran, coordinates efforts at Ivanaki, Shahroud, Semnan, and others like Sanjarian and Sorkheh Hesar.

The NCRI emphasized: “Over the past three decades, the regime has not voluntarily reported any of its activities to the IAEA. Instead, they were exposed, most prominently by the NCRI and the PMOI/MEK network inside Iran, and only then did the regime admit to them.”

The regime’s consistent strategy has been “concealment, deception, obfuscation, delaying, and destruction of evidence.”

As the IAEA’s May 31 report showed, Iran’s nuclear program “has pursued no goal other than the production of nuclear weapons from the very beginning.”

NCRI warns that “Tehran’s dash to obtain nuclear weapons has intensified. Make no mistake. Nuclear weapons are the regime’s life insurance policy.” They stress that “the mullahs’ regime is at its most fragile state,” with over 1,300 executions since August and growing internal unrest.

A firm response is demanded:

  • Immediate activation of the snapback mechanism before its October expiration.
  • Permanent halt to uranium enrichment.
  • Verified dismantling of all nuclear sites.
  • Elimination of the missile program.
  • No exemptions from IAEA inspections.

NCRI President-elect Maryam Rajavi affirmed in testimony to the U.S. Congress: “There is no need for foreign boots on the ground or using taxpayers’ dollars.” The solution lies in “the Iranian people and their organized resistance.” She concluded: “A democratic, non-nuclear Republic of Iran is entirely within reach.”

Political Prisoner  Mojahed Kurkur Executed In Iran

Mehdi Hosseini
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Political Prisoner  Mojahed Kurkur Executed In Iran

In the early hours of Wednesday, June 11, state-run media in Iran reported that the death sentence of Mojahed Kurkur, one of the detainees from the 2022 nationwide uprising, had been carried out in prison. Hours before the announcement, reports circulated on social media that his family had been summoned for a final visit.

On December 20, 2022, Mojahed Kurkur was arrested during a raid by security forces on the village of “Persurakh” near Izeh, in southwestern Iran. In March 2023, Branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court in Ahvaz sentenced him to death on charges of “waging war against God” and “corruption on Earth.” The sentence was upheld by Branch 39 of Iran’s Supreme Court in January 2024 and referred to the Izeh court for implementation.

Mojahed Kurkur executed on the birthday of Kian Pirfalak

June 11 marks the birthday of Kian Pirfalak. Mojahed Kurkur, who was initially accused of killing him but was later found not to be the shooter, was executed on Kian’s birthday under charges of “waging war against God” and “corruption on Earth.”

Kian Pirfalak, a 9-year-old child who was killed by security forces' gunfire in 2022
Kian Pirfalak, a 9-year-old child who was killed by security forces’ gunfire in 2022

Kian Pirfalak, who was born on June 11, 2013, would have celebrated his 12th birthday today.

Kian Pirfalak was a child who was brutally killed by direct gunfire from Iran’s regime security forces during the 2022 uprising. In an effort to cover up its role in this state killing, Iran’s regime charged Mojahed Kurkur with murdering Kian.

Mah-Monir Molaei-Rad, Kian’s mother, repeatedly emphasized that the regime is attempting to hide the role of its forces in Kian’s death, sharing a photo of herself shaking hands with Mojahed Kurkur’s mother. Meysam Pirfalak, Kian’s father, who was also injured in the shooting, published a video calling the accusations against Kurkur baseless.

Mah-Monir Molaei-Rad, Kian's mother
Mah-Monir Molaei-Rad, Kian’s mother

In the video, he said: “I seek justice for my son’s blood. I have not and will not file any complaint against Mojahed Kurkur or the youths of Izeh, because my husband and I saw with our own eyes that security forces, under the command of Commander Eydi Alipour, opened fire on our car, wounded me, and killed my son.”

In the years since, the regime’s pressure on the Pirfalak family and other justice-seeking families of the Mahsa movement has continued. Pouya Molaei-Rad, the cousin of Mah-Monir Molaei-Rad, was shot by police officers at Kian’s gravesite during his 2023 birthday ceremony. He was injured by direct gunfire and died after being transferred to the hospital.

Mojahed Kurkur’s family has not been spared from the regime’s pressure either. His sister, Negar Kurkur, who was a vocal advocate for justice, worked to prove her brother’s innocence until her death from cancer.

The announcement of Mojahed Kurkur’s execution immediately triggered a wave of anger and grief among social media users.

With the execution of Mojahed Kurkur, the number of protesters hanged since the 2022 nationwide uprising has reached at least 11. Previously, Mohammad Mehdi Karami, Mohammad Hosseini, Mohsen Shekari, Majidreza Rahnavard, Majid Kazemi, Saeed Yaghoubi, Saleh Mirhashemi, Milad Zohrevand, Mohammad Ghobadlou, and Reza Rasaei were executed on similar charges, in legal processes that human rights organizations have called “unfair.”

Iran: Detained Protester Milad Zohrehvand Executed, According to Human Rights Orgs

While the executions continue, dozens of other detainees are still awaiting final verdicts—sentences that, given the severe charges brought against them, could also lead to executions. International human rights organizations have repeatedly warned against the Iranian regime’s escalating repression and its use of capital punishment as a tool of political retribution.

 

The Medicine Crisis In Iran: Over 83% Of The Pharmaceutical Market Is Controlled By Quasi-Governmental Entities

Esmaeil Mohades
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The Medicine Crisis In Iran: Over 83% Of The Pharmaceutical Market Is Controlled By Quasi-Governmental Entities

While Iran’s regime claims to intervene in the healthcare economy to support vulnerable groups, a report by the regime’s Majlis (Parliament) Research Center and official statistics show that patients’ share of treatment costs in Iran has risen to as much as 70%, and more than 83% of the pharmaceutical sales market is controlled by 55 quasi-governmental companies.

On Monday, June 9, the state-run daily Shargh, citing a report by the regime’s Majlis Research Center, wrote that around 97% of the medications consumed in the country are produced domestically. However, the majority of this production is controlled by governmental and quasi-governmental bodies. According to experts, this situation has “created monopolies, reduced competition, and weakened transparency in the pharmaceutical industry.”

Medicine Shortages In Iranian Pharmacies And Online Sales

This report, titled “The Share of Quasi-Governmental Entities in the Pharmaceutical Industry Economy,” shows that six quasi-governmental institutions—including the Social Security Organization, the Social Security Investment Company, Bank Melli (National Bank), the Execution of Imam Khomeini’s Order (EIKO), Sobhan Pharmaceutical Investment, and Alborz Investment—own a large number of pharmaceutical companies and hold a significant share of the country’s pharmaceutical market.

More than 83% of the pharmaceutical sales market is held by 55 companies

Shargh’s report states that out of the 296 pharmaceutical companies in the country, only 42 had been listed on the stock market by 2022 and operate transparently. Meanwhile, 55 companies with the highest share of sales by value together control over 83% of the pharmaceutical market.

Among these 55 companies, the Social Security Organization owns nine, the Execution of Imam Khomeini’s Order owns five, and Bank Melli owns four.

Based on this, the Social Security Organization controls 17%, the Execution of Khomeini’s Order 7%, and Bank Melli 5% of Iran’s pharmaceutical market.

In contrast, the private sector as a whole control around 53% of the market, but 36% of that is held by just seven holding companies.

According to the goals set in Iran’s Fourth and Fifth Development Plans, patients’ share of treatment costs was supposed to be reduced to about 30%. However, according to the World Bank, the global average is only around 18%.

Massive government debt and liquidity crisis in the healthcare sector

One of the main causes of this situation is the government’s mounting debt to hospitals, pharmaceutical factories, and pharmacies. Due to repeated delays in payments, some pharmacies announced in March that they would stop selling medication through insurance.

Pharmaceutical companies say that the government’s price controls have caused them financial losses, and the state lacks the capacity to pay compensatory subsidies. The result of these conditions has been a reduction in production and shortages of medicine in the market.

Pharmacies are also facing a similar crisis. Delays in payments by insurance providers have led some pharmacies to only offer medications at full, unsubsidized prices.

Public hospitals have reported that the lack of liquidity has prevented the renewal of equipment, and there are delays in paying the salaries of healthcare staff—a situation that has contributed to the emigration of doctors and nurses.

Iran Will Need to Hire Doctors from Abroad

Millions uninsured and vulnerable to healthcare costs

A 2020 study by Iran’s regime Ministry of Cooperatives, Labour, and Social Welfare showed that about 16% of Iran’s population—equivalent to 13.5 million people—lacked health insurance. In Tehran province, this figure reached 21%. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, Iranians paid approximately 35% of their medical expenses out of pocket—almost twice the global average.

According to the Ministry of Welfare, about 2.4 million Iranians fell below the poverty line in the same year due to high medical costs. International studies also indicate that the cost of surgeries in Iran is higher than in 93 other countries.

Fatemeh Mohammad-Beigi, the secretary of the Health Commission in regime’s Majlis, said in March: “Today we are facing the phenomenon of people giving up on filling their prescriptions. Many go to the pharmacy but return empty-handed because they can’t afford the high prices. People cannot afford to buy medicine or medical supplies. Out-of-pocket spending has risen from 45% to 70%.”

Despite Mohammad-Beigi’s remarks, Mehdi Pirsalehi, head of the Food and Drug Administration, responded to reports of patients foregoing medication purchases by saying: “We have not received any reports of people declining to buy their medicine. Insurance providers have not reported this either. Unfortunately, these are just media talking points.”

Decrease in dental visits and rise in tooth decay

In the field of oral health, financial hardship has also had clear impacts.

Ali Tajernia, then-chairman of the Iranian Dental Association in 2023, stated that most people only visit a dentist when the pain becomes unbearable.

According to him, over the past 20 years, tooth decay among Iranians has tripled, and high costs have reduced visits to treatment centers.

Reports indicate that each six-year-old Iranian child has on average, more than five decayed teeth.

Additionally, individuals aged 30 to 40—those in their socially active years—have lost an average of 12 to 13 teeth, and more than 55% of seniors over age 65 have no teeth at all.

 

72nd Week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” Campaign: Ahar Prison Joins as Protests Continue in 47 Prisons

Mehdi Hosseini
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72nd Week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” Campaign: Ahar Prison Joins as Protests Continue in 47 Prisons

The 72nd week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign continues in 47 different prisons. On Tuesday, June 10, with the participation of Ahar Prison, the campaign marks its 72nd round across 47 prisons in the country. Prisoners participating in the campaign are going on hunger strike to protest the regime’s widespread and brutal executions.

In their statement, the prisoners condemned the large number of executions carried out in the Persian calendar month of Khordad (May–June) as well as the execution of Afghan nationals.

The full statement from the prisoners participating in the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign reads:

The continuation of the 72nd week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign in 47 different prisons, now joined by Ahar Prison

Iran’s execution-driven regime continues its weekly acceleration of death sentences. Since May 22 alone, more than 95 people have been executed. On just one day, June 2, sixteen individuals were executed—eight of them in Ghezel Hesar Prison.

Seventieth Week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” Campaign in Iran’s Prisons

Meanwhile, the authoritarian rulers, incapable of addressing the country’s deep economic and livelihood crises, have tried over the past year to suppress public demands through repression and executions. Tragically, this wave of repression has also targeted Afghan nationals residing in Iran. In recent months, executions of Afghan citizens have increased, depriving defenseless individuals—who have no voice to defend themselves—of their right to life at the hands of Iran’s execution apparatus.

The “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign strongly condemns this new wave of repression and executions and calls on human rights organizations and international bodies to take serious action against these crimes.

This week, once again, we reaffirm our principled, legal, and ethical opposition to the death penalty. Our stance is based on established foundations of international law, states’ obligations to uphold human rights, and the necessity of preserving human dignity.

“The death penalty violates the right to life”—a fundamental right clearly stated in Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). No emergency, cultural, political, or security justification can legitimize such a punishment.

According to international legal standards, including interpretations by the United Nations Human Rights Committee, even in countries that have not abolished the death penalty, its use must be restricted to the most serious crimes and carried out with full respect for fair trial standards. However, under the authoritarian rule of Iran’s supreme leader, many defendants are tried without access to independent legal counsel, are coerced into confessions, and face opaque judicial proceedings—a clear example of “extrajudicial execution.”

Execution, particularly when used as a tool to suppress dissent, intimidate society, or maintain political control, is not only incompatible with the principle of proportionality between crime and punishment, but also constitutes a total violation of justice.

In light of these realities, we, the members of this campaign, express our deep concern over the ongoing and increasing issuance of unjust death sentences in Iran. We call for the immediate halt to both the issuance and enforcement of these sentences and urge all awakened consciences to take action in any way they can to oppose them and join the “No to Execution” campaign.

We believe that defending the right to life is a collective and transnational responsibility. Until the noose of execution is removed from Iran’s judicial system, the foundation for freedom and justice will not be established, and many crimes will not cease.

 

Iranian Regime Close to Building Nuclear Bomb

Hoshang Amiri
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Iranian Regime Close to Building Nuclear Bomb

As nuclear negotiations between the Iranian regime and the United States reach critical moments, new reports of Iran’s covert and alarming activities have further intensified global concerns.

On one hand, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has reported suspicious explosive tests at Iran’s secret sites. On the other hand, analysts warn that Israel is under pressure to make a decision about a possible military strike.

According to the Jerusalem Post, the IAEA stated in a special report that Iran’s regime has conducted several covert explosive tests, which can only be interpreted as part of developing nuclear weapons.

Austrian Intelligence: Iran’s Regime is Actively Pursuing Nuclear Weapons

These tests, which utilized explosive neutron sources, were carried out at the Lavizan-Shian site and were documented at least twice—in February and July 2003. The agency also referred to other incidents, including the use of explosive chambers at the Marivan site and uranium-contaminated equipment at the Varamin site.

The report states that these locations were part of a structured and undeclared nuclear program, and that Iran has since attempted to clean up traces of these activities and has provided false information.

A significant portion of the report’s data is based on documents obtained by Israel’s intelligence agency Mossad in 2018 from the Iranian regime’s nuclear archive.

Enough uranium for 10 bombs

At the same time, the Telegraph, in an analysis by Richard Kemp, a former senior British Army officer, writes that Iran is currently producing enough 60% enriched uranium each month to build at least 10 nuclear bombs. Enriching this material to 90% weapons-grade would take only two weeks.

Kemp warned that the Iranian regime is rapidly expanding its nuclear and military capabilities, while the Trump administration continues to pursue a new agreement with Tehran. Trump had previously set a two-month deadline for reaching a deal, but that deadline has now expired, and it appears Tehran has rejected all offers.

Widespread Coverage of Iranian Resistance’s Nuclear Revelation

In this context, the Iranian regime is openly threatening Tel Aviv, while the ongoing nuclear negotiations between Tehran and Washington have hindered Israel’s ability to decide on military action.

The IAEA report and the amount of enriched uranium show that the Iranian regime’s nuclear case has entered a dangerous stage. If the current trajectory continues and no decisive action is taken, the regime may be only weeks away from acquiring full nuclear weapons capability.

 

Millions of Iranians Living Below the Poverty Line

Mehdi Hosseini
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Millions of Iranians Living Below the Poverty Line

The expansion of poverty under Iran’s regime in recent years has become a serious concern. Official statistics present a catastrophic picture of poverty in the country, although these figures are often manipulated to understate the reality.

According to a report by the Research Center of the regime’s parliament, the poverty rate has remained around 30% between 2019 and 2024. This means that approximately 25 to 26 million people in Iran live below the poverty line. However, unofficial and international sources estimate that as much as 80% of the Iranian population faces this challenge.

The Research Center reported a rise in the poverty rate to 30.1% in 2023. Salam Sattoudeh, a member of the regime’s parliament, also stated in early 2025 that about 25 million people live below the official poverty line. This figure is alarming and on the rise.

The Spread of Poverty in Iran

It must always be noted that statistics related to the poverty line and other negative indicators under Iran’s regime are either not published at all or are manipulated. The numbers released by the authorities are significantly lower than the actual conditions experienced by the population.

Beyond the spread of poverty, reports indicate that the income gap between individuals living below the poverty line and the line itself is increasing. This is known as the “poverty gap” index. The parliamentary Research Center reported that this index reached approximately 0.28 in 2022.

Poverty varies across different regions of Iran. For example, in the southeastern province of Sistan and Baluchestan, two-thirds of the population live in poverty. In contrast, the poverty rate in Tehran is around 13%.

In Tehran, the official poverty line is set at over 200 million rials (approximately $241). Anyone earning less than this amount is effectively considered to be living in poverty. In a metropolis like Tehran, the rising cost of housing alone has pushed many into poverty. Meanwhile, the official monthly wage for a worker with two children barely reaches 150 million rials (around $180). Some independent experts estimate the actual poverty line to be twice that amount, at roughly $500 per month.

Workers’ Wages Have Lagged Behind Inflation by 200% in Four Years

Official reports show that in Tehran, 55% of individuals’ income is spent on housing.

Chronic and high inflation in recent years has played a major role in increasing the number of impoverished people under Iran’s regime. In nearly five decades of clerical rule, the inflation rate has only been in single digits for about four years. Meanwhile, people’s incomes have not risen in line with inflation.

75% Of Iranians Live Below the Poverty Line

Fathollah Bayat, head of the Syndicate of Contract and Project Workers, stated that workers’ incomes have lagged behind inflation by as much as 200% over the past four years. This has reduced the purchasing power of the middle and lower classes, pushing a large number of workers below the poverty line.

The rise in unemployment has further worsened poverty under Iran’s regime. Iran’s Statistical Center recently reported at least 2 million unemployed individuals, including 800,000 university graduates. This situation has severely weakened household incomes across the country.

The deteriorating economic situation and damage to productive sectors have reduced job opportunities. As a result, many of Iran’s educated elites have chosen to emigrate. Under persistent high inflation, this has led to growing poverty among large segments of the population.

According to many regime officials, more than 60% of the country’s economy is controlled by regime-affiliated institutions and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

The High Number of People Living Below the Poverty Line Is the Result of the Mullahs’ Plundering

Former MP Behzad Nabavi stated in September 2019 that “60% of Iran’s national wealth is controlled by just four entities.” Under such conditions, the appointed government acts merely as a logistical coordinator—if that. Even this limited role is often denied to appointed governments, especially those aligned with the regime’s losing faction. Regime-aligned ideologues claim that public despair is due to incompetent and rent-seeking managers, but this is a way of minimizing the actual problem.

The regime’s incompetence—despite Iran’s vast oil, gas, and mineral wealth—has driven a large segment of the population below the poverty line. Iran possesses 28 billion barrels of oil (18% of global reserves), 56 times more discovered oil and gas than all of Europe, 38 times Europe’s mineral reserves, and 34 trillion cubic meters of gas (17.3% of global reserves), yet it has plunged its people into poverty.

While it is currently claimed that 25 million Iranians live below the poverty line, earlier statistics expose the lies of forgetful liars.

According to statistics from the Research Center of the regime’s Chamber of Commerce, about 32 million people were living below the poverty line at the beginning of 2022.

However, on November 17, 2024, the state-run website BourseNews reported that the poverty line in 2024 had risen by over 80% compared to 2022.

Considering the 32 million impoverished people in 2021 and the 80% increase between 2022 and November 2024, the number of poor individuals has reached 57 million. Undoubtedly, this number has continued to rise since November 2024, not decline.

Unauthorized Bank Profits in Iran and Massive Losses

Sia Rajabi
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Unauthorized Bank Profits in Iran and Massive Losses

The drop in currency and gold prices since mid-April, coupled with high volatility in cryptocurrency markets and an inflation rate that Iran’s Statistical Center has announced to be over 39%, has once again drawn the attention of depositors—both large and small—toward bank deposits as a risk-free investment option.

Amid this, the fierce and troubling competition among banks to attract public deposits by promising interest rates above the legal limit has raised concerns about how these banks will fund and sustain such payouts in the future. Opening large deposits with high interest rates not only violates the Central Bank’s regulations but also comes at the cost of massive losses for the already loss-ridden banks in the country.

Setting aside the cheap, rent-seeking and government-backed loans, and the interest-free and charitable lending schemes, the maximum legally permitted interest banks can charge on loans is 23%. In such a context, offering 31% interest on deposits results in at least an 8% loss per deposit, which adds significantly to these banks’ already astronomical accumulated losses.

The Banks of Iran: Serving the Economy or Corrupt Capitalism?

While the Central Bank has capped the maximum legal interest rate on bank deposits at 22.5%, competition among Iranian banks to attract depositors has driven them to offer 31% interest in special schemes for large-scale deposits.

These banks, burdened with massive accumulated losses, are willing to obtain needed funds from depositors even at the cost of deeper losses. Offering interest rates significantly higher than the interest earned on loans—despite having accumulated losses in the tens of trillions of tomans (with one US dollar trading at approximately 830,000 rials)—raises serious questions about the source and sustainability of such payments.

Many economic experts and market observers, worried about this ticking time bomb, are asking: When the Central Bank has set the maximum legal interest rate at 22.5%, what response has it given to the blatant violation of offering 31% interest?

These banks, through illegal activities, have themselves played a significant role in driving Iran’s 40% inflation rate. Now they are encouraging depositors to entrust their money to the banks to shield themselves from that very inflation—without clarity on who will use the funds, for what purpose, at what interest rate, and in which sectors or projects.

For example, Ayandeh Bank, the most loss-ridden bank in Iran, is leading the pack in offering high interest rates to raise funds. However, it has lent 83% of the public deposits it collected to itself. These loans have not been repaid, and 80% of them are now classified as doubtful or uncollectible.

The Iranian Regime’s Debt to Banks Has Increased By “Two and A Half Times” In Past Three Years

This bank, which generates a daily net loss of 3.6 trillion rials (approximately $4.3 million), has become a major burden on the country’s economy. Yet it continues to entice the public with promises of 31% interest to bring in even more deposits.

Among all Iranian banks, 10 have a capital adequacy ratio below the 8% minimum standard, and 9 banks have negative capital adequacy ratios.

The “capital adequacy ratio,” often called a bank’s buffer, is a key indicator showing how much capital a bank has to protect itself against the risks it has taken on. While this minimum is set at 12% in most countries and 8% in Iran, Ayandeh Bank’s ratio is estimated to be below -440%.

This means that if the bank faces any type of risk—for example, if a number of depositors simultaneously attempt to withdraw their funds—the bank will not be able to return their money. Even in the event of dissolution, a dire situation awaits the depositors, particularly large-scale depositors and both minor and major shareholders of the bank.

In order to keep such banks alive, the Central Bank is compelled to fulfill the unbalanced bank’s requests for funds and overdrafts. This inevitably leads to printing money and covering the overdrafts of these banks, meaning that it is not the government, nor the Central Bank, nor the regime that bears the cost of their continued operations—but rather the public, who pays through severe inflation caused by excessive and unsupported money printing without any backing of wealth or production.

Mehdi Bani Taba, an economic expert at the Research Center of Iran’s regime parliament, expressed regret over regime president Masoud Pezeshkian’s opposition to the dissolution of Ayandeh Bank. Referring to the bank’s monthly losses of 110 trillion rials (approximately $132.5 million), he warned that if this bank is not dissolved, the country’s economy will face an extremely disastrous situation within five years, as these massive losses will grow exponentially each year.

Regarding the beginning of the dissolution process of Ayandeh Bank, a major concern is that its largest debtor projects are not even eligible for seizure or sale. According to Rasoul Bakhshi Dastjerdi, an economist and member of the regime parliament’s economic commission, the Iran Mall does not possess an official deed. Moreover, the head of Ayandeh Bank has already sold the income and proceeds from Iran Mall to another company for a period of twenty years. This means that even for auctioning and liquidating the bank’s assets, there are no accessible funds or properties available for seizure or sale.

The Fate of Depositors

All depositors’ funds in Iranian banks are insured up to a limited amount by the Deposit Guarantee Fund. This fund is an independent institution that collects membership fees from banks and guarantees that, in case of a bank’s bankruptcy, part of the customers’ deposits will be repaid. According to law, the maximum guarantee per person, regardless of the number of deposits, is 1 billion rials (approximately $1,200).

Therefore, it is clear that the repayment of small depositors with less than 1 billion rials is given first priority.

In similar cases seen during the dissolution of other financial institutions, the process of repaying depositors has sometimes taken more than seven years. For instance, depositors of the Samen-al-Hojaj financial institution staged protests for years in front of the Central Bank demanding the return of their funds.

Even worse, the depositors’ funds held at the bank are not adjusted for the time elapsed before repayment, and in some cases, the value of their money has dropped more than fiftyfold by the time they actually receive it.

Thus, while bank investments may generally be considered lower-risk compared to other financial markets, the critical condition of Iranian banks and the legal recovery prospects for depositors and shareholders after a bank’s dissolution show that placing blind trust in this so-called safe haven is not without risk and danger.

Three Iranians Accused of Spying for Tehran to Be Tried in the UK in Fall 2026

Mehdi Hosseini
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Three Iranians Accused of Spying for Tehran to Be Tried in the UK in Fall 2026

During a preliminary hearing at the Old Bailey court in London, it was announced that the trial of three Iranian men accused of collaborating with the Iranian regime’s intelligence service will begin in October 2026 in the United Kingdom.

Defense attorneys for the defendants — Mostafa Sepahvand, 39; Farhad Javadi Manesh, 44; and Shapur Ghaleh Alikhani Noori, 55 — announced on Friday that their clients are likely to plead “not guilty” to all charges.

The formal plea hearing for the three men will be held on September 26, while their trial is set to begin on October 5, 2026, at Woolwich Crown Court in London.

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The three are accused of “gathering information and planning acts of violence” on British soil.

The men, who were arrested on May 4 and remain in custody, are the first Iranians to be prosecuted under the UK’s National Security Act of 2023, which addresses threats posed by hostile foreign states.

All three are accused of actions that allegedly support the intelligence service of a foreign government. The UK police and Home Office have identified that foreign state as “Iran.”

The charges relate to alleged activities carried out between August 2024 and February 2025.

Prosecutors say the three men are also accused of surveillance and conducting reconnaissance operations targeting specific individuals in the UK.

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UK Government Reaction

Following the announcement of the charges in May, Yvette Cooper, the UK Home Secretary, issued an official statement in response to the allegations against the three Iranian nationals.

The Home Secretary said that the Iranian regime must be held accountable for its actions and the UK will not tolerate the increasing threats posed by foreign governments on its soil.

She added that the UK government would consider taking further measures to counter state threats to national security.

 

Warning Resolution by IAEA Board of Governors: Tehran Has Violated Its Safeguards Commitments

Jubin Katiraie
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Warning Resolution by IAEA Board of Governors: Tehran Has Violated Its Safeguards Commitments

In a new and escalating development in the Iranian regime’s nuclear case, four Western countries — the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany — have submitted a draft resolution to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Board of Governors, accusing Tehran of “violating its safeguards commitments.”

According to the Associated Press, this draft resolution, which was shared with the Board members on Thursday, June 5, stresses that since 2019, the Iranian regime has repeatedly refused to fully and promptly cooperate with IAEA inspectors regarding undeclared nuclear material and suspicious activities at hidden sites.

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The Western resolution states that Iran’s lack of transparency in its nuclear program has raised serious questions about its peaceful nature, which could eventually lead to referral to the United Nations Security Council — the body tasked with maintaining global peace and security.

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Rafael Grossi, the Director General of the IAEA, has been tasked with continuing efforts to implement the provisions of this and previous resolutions. The IAEA’s latest quarterly report confirms existing concerns and reveals undeclared Iranian nuclear activities at sites such as Lavizan, Varamin, Marivan, and Turquzabad.

A Western diplomat told the Associated Press that if this resolution is adopted, it would mark the first time in two decades that Iran is formally accused of violating its safeguards obligations.

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In response to the move, Abbas Araghchi, former deputy foreign minister of the Iranian regime, described it as a “biased action” and said, “Baseless and politicized accusations against Iran will only escalate the crisis.”

He warned that Europe is on the verge of “a major strategic mistake,” and that the Iranian regime “will respond decisively to any violation of its rights.”

Efforts to Preserve Diplomacy; But Warning About Snapback Sanctions

While this resolution is considered a major step toward increasing international pressure on Tehran, Western sources say the aim is not to end diplomacy, but to pressure Iran into providing transparency. Based on this approach, for now, the case will not be referred to the UN Security Council.

However, the three European countries have warned that if Iran continues its lack of cooperation, they are prepared to activate the “snapback mechanism” and formally refer the case to the Security Council.

 

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