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Massive Washington Rally Highlights Growing Pressure on Iran’s Regime

Sia Rajabi
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Massive Washington Rally Highlights Growing Pressure on Iran’s Regime

Thousands of Iranian Americans, political activists, and former U.S. officials gathered in Washington, D.C. on May 16 for one of the largest recent demonstrations in support of democratic change in Iran. The “Washington Free Iran Rally” focused on Iran’s escalating execution campaign, internal unrest, and the activities of organized opposition networks inside the country.

Held against the backdrop of mounting tensions inside Iran following nationwide protests and a surge in political executions, the event brought together members of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), supporters of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), and several American political and military figures.

Throughout the rally, speakers repeatedly pointed to what they described as deepening instability within Iran’s ruling system. Many framed the increase in executions and security crackdowns as evidence of growing concern among authorities over renewed anti-government protests.

In a televised address broadcast to the gathering, NCRI President-elect Maryam Rajavi said the Iranian regime had reached what she described as a “terminal impasse” following the nationwide unrest of January 2026. She argued that authorities were increasingly dependent on “internet blackouts, arbitrary street searches, and a bloody purge of political prisoners” to contain dissent.

Mrs. Rajavi honored eight PMOI members and 17 protesters reportedly executed in recent weeks, highlighting the words attributed to political prisoner Vahid Bani-Amerian before his execution: “Rest assured, if you execute me and those like me, we shall only multiply.”

She also claimed that the continued activities of the Resistance Units demonstrated that “the regime has failed to obstruct the impending uprising.” Rejecting both engagement policies toward Tehran and monarchist currents abroad, Rajavi described supporters of a return to monarchy as “wolves in sheep’s clothing” attempting to revive the legacy of SAVAK, the Shah’s former intelligence organization.

French Magazine Exposes ‘Shah-Making Factory’: Fascist Networks and Lobbies Grooming the Shah’s Son as an Alternative to the Iranian Regime

Calling for stronger international pressure on Tehran, she urged Western governments to “block all diplomatic concessions,” designate the IRGC as a terrorist organization, and recognize “the Iranian people’s impending march toward a democratic society governed by the ballot box, gender equality, and pluralism.”

Dr. Anahita Sami, an Iranian-American attorney and community organizer, opened the rally by focusing on the human cost of the crackdown inside Iran. She said a “new, fearless generation has looked dictatorship squarely in the eye and refused to kneel before tyranny.”

Reading the names of executed political prisoners, including Pouya Ghabadi, Vahid Bani-Amerian, and Babak Alipour, Sami argued that the authorities’ reliance on executions had backfired, saying “every martyr” had become “an uncontainable wildfire.”

Former U.S. Congressman Patrick J. Kennedy used his remarks to draw attention to the execution of political prisoners, including elderly dissidents and professionals accused of opposition activity. “A confident regime does not rush architectural and electrical engineers to the gallows,” Kennedy said, referring to recent executions of PMOI supporters and activists.

He argued that the execution of longtime opposition figures, including 67-year-old PMOI supporter Abolhassan Montazer, reflected “a deep-seated, paralyzing fear of another domestic uprising.”

Kennedy also referenced reported operations carried out by Resistance Units across multiple Iranian cities in recent weeks, saying the activities demonstrated a level of organization inside Iran that policymakers could no longer ignore. He described the NCRI’s Ten-Point Plan as “a precise roadmap for free elections and an independent judiciary.”

Former U.S. Ambassador to Denmark Carla Sands criticized decades of Western engagement policies toward Tehran, arguing that diplomatic outreach had marginalized organized opposition movements.

“The existence of a highly organized, disciplined democratic alternative like the NCRI effectively shatters the false narrative that the world must choose between the current theocracy or absolute chaos,” Sands said.

She also addressed the debate surrounding monarchist groups abroad, accusing some organizations aligned with former crown prince Reza Pahlavi of glorifying SAVAK. Sands said some monarchist groups in Europe had openly marched with “insignia representing an era defined by torture chambers and political repression.”

Retired General Wesley Clark, former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Europe, approached the issue from a strategic and security perspective. Clark argued that military pressure alone would not resolve tensions surrounding Iran’s regional activities or nuclear ambitions.

“Airplanes flying at 35,000 feet, aircraft carriers, and bunker-busting bombs are merely peripheral,” Clark said. “The root cause of regional instability rests inside the regime itself.”

Referring to the January 2026 protests, Clark argued that previous protest waves had demonstrated the limits of peaceful dissent under current conditions. He said “organized, internal armed resistance” would ultimately determine the country’s future trajectory.

The rally also featured representatives from Iran’s ethnic minority communities. Hejar Berenji, representing the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI/KDPI) in the United States, advocated for a political system recognizing the rights of Kurds, Baluch, Arabs, and Azeris.

“Real national unity cannot be built through forced silence or another centralized dictatorship,” Berenji said. He summarized his position with the slogan: “No dictatorship with turban, no dictatorship with crown.”

Berenji also criticized ongoing negotiations with Tehran, calling for “an immediate end to negotiations over the heads of the Iranian people.”

Younger Iranian-American speakers focused heavily on the role of women and youth in recent protest movements. Kimia Arya, a biology student at the University of Houston, spoke about the participation of women during the January 2026 demonstrations and the impact of the subsequent crackdown.

“The current wave of executions does not project state strength,” Arya said. “It exposes a paralyzing weakness from a regime that is deeply terrified of its students and youth.”

She added that younger generations in Iran would accept “nothing less than a forward-looking republic completely free of both the turban and the crown.”

Ali Ziaie, a former Canadian Wushu champion and political science graduate, offered a personal account of growing up in a family affected by political imprisonment in Iran. He said he learned from childhood that “simply uttering the name of the MEK carried the penalty of execution.”

Ziaie argued that every execution carried out by the authorities now served as “an official confession by the mullahs that they have lost control of the nation’s soul.”

The event concluded with a message from former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, who described the current political system in Iran as “rapidly collapsing from both the inside and the outside.” He called the NCRI’s Ten-Point Plan “an essential constitutional guidepost for a post-regime transition.”

Across the rally, speakers repeatedly returned to three themes: opposition to executions and repression inside Iran, rejection of both clerical rule and monarchical restoration, and support for organized networks seeking political change from within the country itself.

French Magazine Exposes ‘Shah-Making Factory’: Fascist Networks and Lobbies Grooming the Shah’s Son as an Alternative to the Iranian Regime

Esmaeil Mohades
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French Magazine Exposes ‘Shah-Making Factory’: Fascist Networks and Lobbies Grooming the Shah’s Son as an Alternative to the Iranian Regime

The renowned French magazine Nouvel Observateur has published a comprehensive investigation by Marie Vaton exposing the hidden mechanisms of the “Shah-making factory.” The article highlights how the Shah’s son, who was a marginal figure with no political weight just three years ago, has been artificially elevated. This manufactured rise is the result of aggressive, multifaceted networks, some with close ties to the far-right.

The Return of the Shah’s Infamous Royal Secret Police to the Streets of Europe

Exclusionary Slogans in Paris Squares:

Every Sunday, monarchists gather at the Trocadéro in Paris, chanting exclusionary slogans. They prominently shout, “Death to the three corrupts: the Mullah, the Leftist, and the Mojahed,” clearly targeting the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran and progressive forces. These rallies are led by individuals with opaque funding, who suddenly pivoted from fashion and lifestyle to fiercely attacking anyone who opposes the Shah’s son.

Failure of the “Georgetown Committee”:

The magazine recalls the “Georgetown Committee” stunt in Washington in February 2023. There, the Shah’s son tried to exploit the blood of the Velayat-e Faqih regime’s victims to declare himself the leader of the uprising. However, this coalition quickly collapsed because he only wanted to subjugate everyone to serve himself. Sociologist Azadeh Kian confirmed to the magazine that the Shah’s son was previously a nobody, lacking any recognition inside Iran or internationally.

Troll Armies and Shady Funding:

Explaining this sudden rise, the publication reveals the role of cyber armies and anonymous financing. It points to a Haaretz investigation exposing an influence operation using thousands of fake accounts to support the monarchy’s return and create an illusion of popularity. Sources close to the Shah’s son admitted he lacks the funds for this “complex ecosystem,” revealing that his campaign relies on powerful lobbies offering lucrative salaries to recruit activists.

Media Whitewashing and Bribery:

The magazine notes the hiring of professional PR consultants to secure appearances for the Shah’s son on French magazine covers and TV screens. Shadow networks also attempt to recruit “young, attractive victims” of the mullahs’ regime as propaganda tools. Young journalist Nazila Maroofian revealed she received tempting offers of apartments and publishing contracts upon arriving in France, which she bravely refused.

Fascist Terror and Hit Lists:

Nouvel Observateur warns that these groups are transforming into a machine of terror and intimidation against democratic dissidents. Monarchist influencers have published “hit lists” targeting lawyers, activists, and even bookstore owners in Paris, threatening daily to burn down their properties. This toxic climate even reached Canada, where Massoud Masjoudi, a fierce opponent of both the Velayat-e Faqih regime and the monarchy, was assassinated in March by Iranian extremists.

Return of SAVAK and the Shah’s Guard:

The report concludes by highlighting the public demands of monarchists for the return of “SAVAK,” the notorious intelligence agency responsible for thousands of torture cases. It describes a chilling scene in London last April, where a hundred masked men in black marched under the banner of the “Immortal Guard.” The magazine raises a fundamental question: are these fascist militias simply seeking to replace the mullahs’ regime’s suppression apparatus with an equally bloody one?

Iraqi Militia Commander Arrested Over Alleged Plotting of Terrorist Attacks in the U.S. and Europe

Jubin Katiraie
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Iraqi Militia Commander Arrested Over Alleged Plotting of Terrorist Attacks in the U.S. and Europe

An Iraqi militia commander has been arrested on charges of involvement in planning more than 12 “terrorist” attacks in North America and Europe, attacks that judicial officials say were planned in response to war with Iran.

U.S. judicial officials say that Mohammad Bagher Saad Dawood Saeedi, 32, was planning attacks on a synagogue in New York and two Jewish centers in Los Angeles and Scottsdale.

According to the criminal complaint, he faces six terrorism-related charges. His lawyer, however, says he has been targeted in a politically motivated prosecution.

According to U.S. officials, Saeedi is one of the commanders of Kataib Hezbollah, an Iraq-based group that the United States considers a terrorist organization, and which has close ties to Iran.

Saeedi, an Iraqi citizen, was first arrested in Turkey and then handed over to the FBI and transferred to the United States.

Saeedi appeared in federal court in Manhattan and will remain in custody pending trial.

Concerns in U.S. Congress Over Cryptocurrency Transfers to Networks Linked to Iran’s Regime

Sia Rajabi
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Concerns in U.S. Congress Over Cryptocurrency Transfers to Networks Linked to Iran’s Regime

Two members of the U.S. Congress, Sean Casten and Gregory Meeks, in an official letter to the U.S. government, called for explanations regarding the role of cryptocurrency exchange Binance in large-scale digital currency transfers.

In the letter, published on Thursday, May 14, it was claimed that about $1.7 billion in cryptocurrency had been transferred through Binance to wallets linked to armed groups and forces affiliated with the Iranian regime. According to the lawmakers, part of this financial network was likely used to circumvent U.S. sanctions.

The report also referred to Tehran-backed groups such as the Houthis in Yemen. The members of Congress emphasized that these transactions took place while Binance had been under scrutiny by U.S. authorities following regulatory agreements and commitments to implement strict anti-money laundering regulations.

They also recalled that Binance admitted in 2023 to violating certain U.S. financial laws, but despite regulatory agreements, reports indicate that suspicious transactions have continued, some of which have been attributed to activities linked to the Iranian regime.

The two members of Congress asked the U.S. Department of Justice and the Treasury Department to explain the effectiveness of the controls imposed on Binance and the possible reasons for failing to prevent these financial transfers.

The letter also expressed concern over the use of cryptocurrencies to evade sanctions imposed on the Iranian regime and requested a comprehensive report on how Binance’s operations are being monitored.

IRGC Increases Terrorist Activities in Gulf Arab Countries

Sia Rajabi
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IRGC Increases Terrorist Activities in Gulf Arab Countries

At a time when Iran’s regime is pursuing a policy of regional militarism, a broad wave of alleged IRGC-linked terrorist activity is intensifying in Gulf Arab countries.

A recent report by the U.S. newspaper The New York Times has once again drawn attention to Iran’s extraterritorial activities and networks linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) across Arab states in the Persian Gulf. The report describes a wave of mass arrests in several regional countries. Security officials in these states have accused detainees of ties to the IRGC and involvement in security cooperation with Iran’s regime. Meanwhile, the region’s political and media environment has also been affected by growing concerns over IRGC-related terrorism.

IRGC Members Arrested in Kuwait, Woman Sentenced to Life in Prison in Bahrain for Cooperation with IRGC

According to the report, more than 100 alleged IRGC operatives have been arrested in Gulf Arab countries. The main charges against these individuals are treason and cooperation with networks affiliated with Iran’s regime. The report states that regional governments, following heightened military and security tensions with Iran, have begun extensive surveillance of groups and individuals close to Tehran.

IRGC terrorism in Bahrain; revocation of citizenship and cleric arrests

Bahrain has been identified as one of the main centers of this security case. According to the published report, Bahraini authorities have revoked the citizenship of 69 individuals. In addition, 41 others have been arrested on charges of links to the IRGC. Among those detained are dozens of clerics aligned with Iran’s regime.

A human rights group has stated that 37 of those detained in Bahrain are clerics. This has triggered widespread reactions in regional media. Media outlets close to the Bahraini government have described these individuals as part of a “soft influence network” of the rule of the Supreme Leader. In contrast, some groups affiliated with Iran’s regime have described the arrests as political.

In previous years as well, Bahrain has repeatedly accused Iran’s regime of security interference and organizing armed groups. The country’s government had earlier stated that some opposition groups were trained on Iranian soil. The latest New York Times report now suggests that concerns over IRGC-related terrorism in Bahrain have entered a new phase.

UAE; publication of suspects’ images and calls for harsh punishment

A similar case is underway in the United Arab Emirates. According to The New York Times report, 27 individuals in the country have been accused of membership in a Shiite terrorist organization. The UAE government has published images of these individuals and described them as part of an organized network.

Some figures close to the UAE authorities have also called for severe judicial action against the accused. Emirati media have described the case as part of Iran’s regime efforts to achieve security infiltration in Arab countries. Security officials in the UAE have stressed that any connection to IRGC-linked networks is considered a threat to national security.

In recent years, relations between Iran’s regime and Gulf Arab states have repeatedly been in crisis. Attacks on oil facilities, arms smuggling cases, and the activities of proxy groups have been among the main points of contention between Tehran and regional governments. Now, the issue of IRGC-related terrorism has once again become one of the central security concerns for Arab states.

Increasing regional pressure against the clerical regime

The New York Times report indicates that Gulf Arab countries have adopted a stricter approach toward networks close to Iran’s regime. Security institutions in these countries believe the IRGC is attempting to exploit sectarian divisions to expand its influence.

In past years, regional governments have repeatedly accused Iran’s regime of creating instability. Many of these countries believe Tehran uses militias and proxy forces to advance its regional objectives. The recent mass arrests now indicate that the IRGC terrorism case has entered a new stage.

Rising tensions in the Persian Gulf are occurring alongside internal crises within Iran’s regime. Iran’s regime is facing waves of public dissatisfaction, an economic crisis, and widespread protests at home. Nevertheless, international reports continue to indicate ongoing security and regional operations by the IRGC outside Iran’s borders.

77 Days of Internet Shutdown, A Tool of Control and a Sign of Tehran’s Real Fears

Jubin Katiraie
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77 Days of Internet Shutdown, A Tool of Control and a Sign of Tehran’s Real Fears

The crisis of internet shutdowns in Iran has entered a new phase. 77 days of internet cuts, widespread disruptions, a sharp decline in access quality, and the implementation of restrictive policies have now become one of the main sources of public dissatisfaction. At the same time as economic and social pressures increase, many users, business owners, and media activists believe that the regime is trying to exert greater control over the public sphere by continuing its policy of internet shutdowns.

In this regard, Qader Bastani Tabrizi, a communications professor and board member of the Journalists’ Trade Association, warned about the widespread consequences of internet shutdowns in an interview with the government-affiliated ILNA news agency on May 13, 2026. ILNA is a labor-focused media outlet in Iran that is generally considered close to state institutions. He stressed: available data and people’s daily experience show that the state of the internet in recent months has created a wave of anger and social dissatisfaction.

Bastani Tabrizi said: despite being aware of the consequences of the crisis, the government continues its policy of blocking access. Ignoring public opinion is either a sign of complete disregard for society or a sign of inability to make decisions.

Internet shutdown and the failure of government promises

Bastani Tabrizi then referred to the election promises of the government of Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian. He said: despite earlier slogans, the government has not made any real change in the state of internet access. He added that merely expressing dissatisfaction by officials does not solve the problem. If the government does not have decision-making authority, it should state this clearly, so the public knows which institution is actually responsible for the internet shutdown policy.

Behind the Internet Shutdown: The Iranian Regime’s Black Market

He also referred to the continuation of restrictions after a ceasefire was established and said: people do not accept that the internet is cut for weeks without any clear explanation. During this period, many online businesses were destroyed and severe damage was inflicted on people’s livelihoods.

At the same time, the implementation of a tiered internet policy and the provision of special internet access for select groups at several times higher prices has triggered widespread anger among users. Bastani Tabrizi described this policy as contrary to media justice and said the government has chosen a path of digital discrimination instead of expanding free access.

Accountability crisis and growing distrust

The board member of the Journalists’ Trade Association said ambiguity in digital rights is one of the main roots of the crisis. He stated that no specific institution takes responsibility for internet shutdowns, and this has intensified public distrust.

Bastani Tabrizi stressed that the decision-making structure regarding the internet is controlled by a narrow group that does not value public demand. According to him, in this view, the internet is seen not as a development infrastructure but as a permanent threat. He also pointed to the failure of official media in representing social diversity. He said state media continue to operate in a monolithic manner, deepening the gap between society and the official structure.

In response to the question of whether the internet is the cause of unrest, he stated that the roots of social crises lie in the economy, unemployment, inflation, and livelihood pressures. The internet is merely a reflection of these crises, and it is not possible to hide social realities by shutting it down.”

The internet shutdown crisis has now become a symbol of a deeper crisis in the ruling structure of the clerical regime in Iran. A government that fears protest, awareness, and the free flow of information is trying to contain a dissatisfied society through blocking and controlling the online space. However, experience from past years has shown that internet shutdown policies have neither created stability nor lasting security. This policy has only increased public anger, social distrust, and the gap between the people and the government.

Targeted Repression of Iranian Women, From Mass Arrests to Death Sentences

Mehdi Hosseini
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Targeted Repression of Iranian Women, From Mass Arrests to Death Sentences

Women in Iran have faced a wave of widespread arrests and targeted repression; a wave that indicates a planned intensification of control amid the crisis. Features of this period include mass arrests, the issuance of heavy judicial sentences, and increased harassment and pressure on the families of political prisoners, those executed, and those killed during the January 2026 uprising.

This report presents a picture of the situation of women in conditions where political crises and restrictions on information have further obscured the true scale of violations of their rights.

Iran’s regime has once again exploited the atmosphere of tension and war crisis it has imposed on the Iranian people to intensify domestic repression. While public attention was partly focused on regional developments and war, security apparatuses systematically expanded the scope of control and suppression inside the country.

Iran Intensifies Pressure on Families of PMOI Prisoners Amid Expanding Crackdown

Field reports indicate that a wave of daily arrests, including among women and young girls, has been underway. These arrests are often carried out under vague security charges and without transparent judicial procedures. In many cases, these women and girls are arrested together with their husbands or other family members.

These arrests are part of a deliberate policy to create fear and intimidation and to prevent the formation of an uprising.

On April 19, 2026, Ahmadreza Radan, the commander-in-chief of the regime’s State Security Forces, announced in a televised interview the arrest of 1,800 people. Of this number, 700 were detained for activity on social media networks. (Fars News Agency, April 19, 2026, a state-run Iranian news agency) He did not specify the timeframe of these arrests, but it is believed they occurred either since the beginning of the war or after the January uprising.

Iran’s judiciary system typically justifies these arrests under charges such as collaboration with the enemy, moharebeh (enmity against God, an accusation that can carry the death penalty), or propaganda against the system, framing them as national security cases. Due to widespread internet shutdowns or severe restrictions and tight control over information flow, exact arrest figures are not available; however, estimates indicate the arrest and imprisonment of many women and girls.

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, speaker of the Iranian regime’s parliament, in this regard urged government forces, saying: “Do not abandon the street choke point.” (Tasnim News Agency, March 30, 2026, a media outlet close to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) Media outlets close to security institutions have also emphasized the importance of continuous street presence by forces to control protests.

Meanwhile, the National Council of Resistance of Iran announced in a statement that during nationwide protests from December 28, 2025 to January 14, 2026, more than 50,000 people were arrested. Among them are a significant number of women, youth, and students, many of whom have been forcibly disappeared and are now under torture and facing unfair trials and death sentences. So far, nine detained protesters from the Dey (January) uprising have been executed.

Previously, Masoumeh Ebtekar, former head of the Iranian regime’s Vice Presidency for Women and Family Affairs, stated in a note that 77% of those arrested in the January nationwide protests were under 30 years old, including 17% school students and 6% university students. (Etemad newspaper, April 15, 2026, a state-run newspaper)

Execution as a tool of intimidation; women facing death sentences

The death penalty continues to be used as one of the regime’s main tools to create fear and prevent the expansion of social protests. Between March 19 and April 25, 2026, eight political members of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), the regime’s main opposition, and nine young protesters arrested during the January uprising were executed.

The Voice They Could Not Silence: Vahid Bani Amerian’s Final Testament

Among them, dozens of female protesters have either been sentenced to death or are facing severe charges that could lead to execution.

Mahboubeh Shabani, 33, from Mashhad, is being held in Vakilabad prison on charges of moharebeh. This charge, which can lead to a death sentence, is related to assisting in transferring injured protesters to medical centers during the January uprising.

Fatemeh Abbasi, 34, and the mother of a 13-year-old girl, who was arrested along with her father during the January nationwide protests, was recently transferred to the women’s ward of Evin Prison after weeks of torture and interrogation for forced confessions. Fatemeh has been sentenced to 25 years in prison, and her father, who was sentenced to death, was executed two days ago.

Families are deprived of holding mourning and memorial ceremonies.

These measures indicate a systematic effort to prevent the formation of any justice-seeking movement and social solidarity around the victims. Such behavior not only violates the basic rights of families but also imposes severe emotional and psychological pressure on surviving women, especially mothers.

Ali Akbar Daneshvarkar’s Final Letter Offers a Personal Account from Iran’s Death Row

Jubin Katiraie
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Ali Akbar Daneshvarkar’s Final Letter Offers a Personal Account from Iran’s Death Row

Iran’s regime tries to shut the voice of dissidents through brutal executions. But in the case of Ali Akbar “Shahrokh” Daneshvarkar, the regime utterly failed. In late 2025, after his death sentence was confirmed, Shahrokh sent a lengthy message, tracing his political evolution over decades.

On March 30, 2026, Iranian authorities executed Daneshvarkar alongside Mohammad Taghavi, both members of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK). According to reports surrounding the case, the executions followed months of detention, interrogations, and legal proceedings.

Iranian Political Prisoner Mohammad Abbasi Hanged in Ghezel Hesar Prison

Daneshvarkar’s final message, written after his death sentence was reaffirmed in November 2025, presents itself as both a memoir and a political statement. In the letter, he recounts his childhood, his early support for the Islamic Republic after the 1979 revolution, his gradual disillusionment with the political system, and ultimately his decision to support the PMOI.

“I am Shahrokh Daneshvar,” the letter begins. “Born on September 4, 1966, in Tehran. I studied civil engineering at Khajeh Nasir University, and right now, I am under a death sentence.”

Throughout the text, Daneshvarkar frames his life as a search for justice and opposition to oppression. He recalls his parents as people who taught him “to be sensitive to oppression and to seek to help others.” He also describes periods spent in rural areas, including villages in Bashagard and near Konarak in Sistan and Baluchestan province.

His account moves between personal memories and political turning points. As a young man, he says, he participated in activities associated with the Iranian regime during and after the revolution. He attended mosques and Islamic seminary classes, worked with literacy campaigns, and joined activities connected to the Iran-Iraq war.

Yet he describes a growing sense of conflict as he witnessed violence and repression.

“That truth-seeking and anti-oppression drive inside me did not allow me to indifferently walk past the slaughter of prisoners,” he wrote.

Daneshvarkar says this period led him to question the principle of Velayat-e Faqih, the doctrine of clerical rule that forms the ideological foundation of the Islamic Republic.

“What does Velayat-e Faqih mean?” he asked in the letter. “It means I am a sheep and the Supreme Leader must be my shepherd.”

The letter also provides insight into the frustrations experienced by some Iranians who once supported reformist politics within the existing political framework. Daneshvarkar describes the election of former president Mohammad Khatami in 1997 as a moment when he believed gradual reform might be possible.

“It seemed like a beautiful idea—that with step-by-step reforms, the regime could be reformed,” he wrote.

According to his account, that belief eventually collapsed after years of disappointment. He describes reform efforts as a “dead end” and says he ultimately concluded that the political system itself could not be changed from within.

Daneshvarkar’s reflections repeatedly return to moments of national unrest, particularly the nationwide protests of December 2017 and November 2019, where security forces killed at least 1,500 civilians.

He contrasts those events with the positions of opposition figures outside the regime. In his message, he criticizes Reza Pahlavi for advocating “non-violent struggle” after the 2019 crackdown, arguing that such an approach did not correspond to the level of force used by state authorities.

Daneshvarkar writes that by that stage he believed there were few opposition groups openly advocating the overthrow of the government. He says this realization led him toward the PMOI, despite what he describes as years of hearing negative portrayals of the organization.

“I had heard so many bad things about the Mojahedin that I was terrified to even get close to them,” he wrote.

The letter lists several questions he initially had about the PMOI, including its years in Iraq, its ideological positions, and its internal structure. According to his account, his perception changed after examining speeches and political positions associated with the organization and its leaders, Massoud Rajavi and Maryam Rajavi.

Daneshvarkar repeatedly references Maryam Rajavi’s Ten-Point Plan, describing it as a political platform that addressed concerns about freedom and governance. He also highlights statements by Mrs. Rajavi emphasizing commitment to “the freedom of the Iranian people.”

One of the recurring themes in the text is Daneshvarkar’s distinction between political movements centered on power and those he viewed as centered on freedom.

“Khatami, with his ‘national dialogue,’ is still seeking a share of power with Khamenei,” he wrote. “Reza Pahlavi issued an ‘emergency booklet’ in which he made all appointments and dismissals subject to his own royal opinion.”

By contrast, he described the PMOI as focused on “the freedom of the people.”

The final sections of the letter take on a more personal and reflective tone. Daneshvarkar describes his political journey as “the path of evolution” and writes that each stage of his life pushed him further toward confrontation with what he saw as oppression.

“Every day that passes, I become prouder, more steadfast, and more resolute in the path I have taken,” he wrote.

He closes with a declaration that echoes slogans historically used by opponents of both the monarchy and the mullahs’ rule.

“Death to the oppressor, be it the Shah or the Supreme Leader,” he wrote.

In the final lines of the statement, Daneshvarkar says he would once again “give my life for the freedom” of the Iranian people and vowed to “stand until the end.”

Iranian Political Prisoner Mohammad Abbasi Hanged in Ghezel Hesar Prison

Mehdi Hosseini
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Iranian Political Prisoner Mohammad Abbasi Hanged in Ghezel Hesar Prison

In the early hours of Wednesday, May 13, the judiciary of the Iranian regime executed Mohammad Abbasi, a 55-year-old prisoner arrested during the January uprising, in Ghezel Hesar Prison. Regime officials accused him of participating in the killing of a Law Enforcement Force commander and taking part in nationwide protests.

According to published reports, Mohammad Abbasi was arrested during the January uprising in the Sar Asiab area of Malard. The regime’s judiciary claimed that he was involved in the attack on Shahin Dehghan, a colonel in the regime’s State Security Forces who had played a role in suppressing protests.

Iran’s Regime Ramps Up Execution of Baluch Political Prisoners to Control Society

According to human rights sources, after his arrest, Mohammad Abbasi spent a period in solitary confinement in Ward 209 of Evin Prison under interrogation and pressure. Without access to an independent lawyer, he was sentenced to death by Branch 15 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court, presided over by the notorious judge Abolghasem Salavati. The sentence was later upheld by the regime’s Supreme Court, while his family’s request for a retrial was ignored.

It has also been reported that Fatemeh Abbasi, Mohammad Abbasi’s daughter, who was arrested alongside her father, has been sentenced to 25 years in prison and is currently being held in the women’s ward of Evin Prison.

In reaction to the execution, Maryam Rajavi, the president-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), stressed that the regime’s daily brutal executions above all reflect its fear of the growing public anger and the prospect of uprising. However, she said, a storm of protest and uprising lies ahead, and the religious fascism ruling Iran cannot escape overthrow.

She also called on the United Nations Secretary-General, the UN Human Rights Council, and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to take immediate action to stop executions in Iran.

Iran’s Employment Crisis: The Increase in Unemployment Insurance Registrations

Mehdi Hosseini
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Iran’s Employment Crisis: The Increase in Unemployment Insurance Registrations

The increase in unemployment insurance applicants reflects the chaotic condition of workers following the warmongering policies of the clerical regime. While officials of the Iranian regime speak of managing wartime conditions, statistics published by state-run media and members of parliament present a very different picture of the labor market. The sudden rise in the number of unemployment insurance applicants, the closure of economic units, and the collapse of online jobs are only part of the consequences of war and economic crisis in Iran. Official reports now indicate that hundreds of thousands of people have registered to receive unemployment insurance, statistics that reveal the depth of recession and the expansion of poverty.

205,000 people register for unemployment insurance

The state-run Eghtesad News website reported on May 12, citing Meysam Zohourian, a member of the regime’s parliament, that since the beginning of the war, around 205,000 people have registered to receive unemployment insurance. Zohourian presented these figures after a meeting with Ahmad Meydari, the regime’s minister of cooperatives, labor, and social welfare.

Food Inflation and the Erosion of the Middle Class in Iran’s Economy

He said that according to the Labor Ministry’s report, some individuals who have lost their jobs may enter the informal sector, but the cost of their unemployment insurance will still remain the government’s responsibility. This issue shows that even regime officials admit to the expansion of informal employment and the collapse of job security.

During the same meeting, damage to several companies affiliated with the Labor Ministry was also discussed. Jam Petrochemical Company and the national shipping company were among the enterprises that, according to regime officials, were damaged during the war. These losses have directly reduced the revenues of pension funds and deepened their financial crisis.

Unemployment insurance and the widespread wave of job destruction

At the same time as the increase in demand for unemployment insurance, other reports have also revealed the vast scale of unemployment in the country. Alireza Mahjoub, secretary-general of the Workers’ House labor organization, announced that more than 700,000 jobs have been lost during the war. According to him, around 130,000 people have become directly unemployed, while nearly 600,000 others have lost work indirectly. If each unemployed worker is calculated as supporting at least six family members, the lives of millions of people have consequently been endangered.

In other remarks, Mohammadi, deputy minister of cooperatives, labor, and social welfare, reported the destruction of more than one million direct jobs. He also emphasized that in total, around 2 million people are facing direct and indirect unemployment. The discrepancy between these figures is a sign of the economic structure’s disorder and the lack of transparency in official reporting.

The increase in applicants comes while the unemployment insurance fund covered only around 180,000 people before the war. Reports now indicate that approximately 750,000 people have been referred to this fund. This massive surge has imposed enormous financial pressure on a fund that has faced budget deficit crises for years.

Crisis in the online labor market

The employment crisis has not been limited to factories and industries. The online labor market is also facing an unprecedented wave of unemployment. The JobVision employment platform announced that in just one day, more than 318,000 job applications were registered on the platform. This figure represents an increase of around 50% compared to the pre-war period.

Economic experts attribute this situation to prolonged internet shutdowns, reduced startup activity, market recession, and a sharp decline in investment. Many private companies in recent months have either halted operations or laid off part of their workforce.

Meanwhile, regime officials continue speaking about “reforming the Social Security Law.” In part of his remarks, Zohourian referred to a proposal under which the average of the entire insurance contribution period would become the basis for retirement pensions. However, this proposal is still under review, and no legislation regarding it has been approved.

Many workers and retirees view these promises as a continuation of the regime’s exhausting policies, policies that for years have postponed people’s livelihood crisis through empty promises.

Unemployment insurance: a symbol of the collapse of people’s livelihoods

The explosive increase in unemployment insurance requests is not merely an economic figure. These statistics directly reflect the collapse of job security, the expansion of poverty, and the inability of the ruling structure to manage the crisis. War, sanctions, systemic corruption, and mismanagement have now placed millions of Iranian families at risk of unemployment and instability.

At a time when the regime of velayat-e faqih has proven incapable of offering practical solutions, workers and wage earners are paying the highest price for the political and economic crises. The long unemployment insurance lines have today become one of the clearest signs of the Iranian regime’s economic deadlock.

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