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Iran: Execution of Pedram Madani in Ghezel Hesar Prison

Hoshang Amiri
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Iran: Execution of Pedram Madani in Ghezel Hesar Prison

In the early hours of Wednesday, May 28, Pedram Madani, a 41-year-old prisoner, was executed in Ghezel Hesar Prison in Karaj. This act has sparked a wave of protests from human rights activists and his family. The judiciary of Iran’s regime carried out the execution based on vague charges and a case filled with legal flaws.

Pedram Madani was arrested in 2020 and charged with activities related to intelligence and security. According to his family and human rights defenders, the accusations were not backed by documented evidence but were instead based solely on “confessions” obtained under pressure and without access to a chosen lawyer. In a video message, his mother emphasized the illegal torture and pressure during interrogations, saying: “My son only had a court-appointed lawyer, and his case is full of ambiguity and flaws.”

Execution Wave in Iran: Six More Prisoners Hanged

On May 25, Madani was transferred from Evin Prison to Ghezel Hesar. At the same time, his family was summoned for a final visit, a sign that human rights activists interpreted as confirmation that the execution was imminent. Pedram Madani’s death sentence was overturned three times by the Supreme Court, yet each time the parallel branch reinstated the death penalty.

In this context, Olivier Grondeau, a French citizen and former inmate of Evin Prison who was imprisoned in Iran for over two and a half years, released a video message in Persian calling for the execution of Madani to be stopped. He said: “Pedram was one of the kindest cellmates I had. I cannot believe such a person deserves to be executed. He was the twentieth of my friends taken to Ghezel Hesar for execution.”

Pedram Madani’s mother, who had previously lost her husband due to the sorrow caused by their son’s imprisonment, tearfully warned: “Don’t let another family be plunged into mourning. This sentence is unjust.”

Despite repeated warnings from international bodies, Iran’s regime once again moved ahead with an execution, without a fair trial—a course that has claimed the lives of many young people in recent months. The execution of Pedram Madani took place amid a legal and judicial environment that, according to experts, is increasingly drifting away from standards of justice, transparency, and accountability.

Earlier, on April 29, Mohsen Langarneshin was also executed under similar charges without a public and fair trial in one of the country’s prisons. According to observers, this reflects a growing pattern of brutal suppression under the guise of “law” against political and ideological detainees in Iran.

 

Iranian Regime’s Deputy Minister of Intelligence for Internal Security Wanted by FBI

Esmaeil Mohades
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Iranian Regime’s Deputy Minister of Intelligence for Internal Security Wanted by FBI

 The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has released the photo and personal details of Seyed Yahya Hosseiny Panjaki, also known as Seyed Yahya Hamidi, the deputy minister of intelligence for internal security in Iran’s regime. The FBI has placed him on its wanted list and is seeking information about him.

In the FBI notice published on Monday, May 26, Seyed Yahya Hosseiny is identified as being born on January 23, 1975, and as the deputy minister of intelligence in charge of Israel-related affairs.

FBI stated:“Seyed Yahya is wanted for questioning in connection with alleged worldwide lethal plots and terror activity using intelligence networks, operational networks, and cyber capabilities, including via cooperation between the MOIS and Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).”

Seyed Yahya Hosseiny is the chief architect of operations by the Ministry of Intelligence to assassinate opponents of Iran’s regime abroad.

The regime’s Ministry of Intelligence, alongside the IRGC’s Intelligence Organization, has for years carried out the regime’s most important acts of sabotage abroad.

The notice adds that:“The Directorate for Internal Security is responsible for operating the Naji Sharifi Zindashti criminal network and their associates as they targeted United States-based Iranian dissidents from at least December 2020, until or around March of 2021.”

FBI continued:“Seyed Yahya is the superior of Iranian Intelligence Officer Reza Hamidi Ravari, who is also wanted for questioning.”

He holds a PhD in political science from Azad University of Tabriz and has published two academic articles—one titled “The Role of Rumors and Hybrid Threats in the Security Environment,” published in the Ministry of Defense’s National Security quarterly, and another titled “Takfiri Terrorism in Cyberspace and Strategies to Counter It,” published in the Strategic Cyber Space Studies quarterly of Iran’s Supreme National Defense University.

Hosseiny Panjaki has been sanctioned by the European Union and the United Kingdom for his involvement in a 2018 bombing plot in Paris. The target was the annual gathering of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), the largest opposition coalition to Iran’s regime. The plan was foiled by law enforcement before it could be carried out.

Within the Ministry of Intelligence, he founded the “Martyr Soleimani Headquarters,” which carries out sabotage operations around the world in cooperation with Iran’s intelligence agencies and with the assistance of IRGC forces.

The name of this headquarters refers to the Iranian regime’s plan to avenge the killing of Qassem Soleimani, the former commander of the Quds Force.

Yahya Hosseiny has very close ties with the IRGC and has traveled multiple times to Syria and Lebanon, collaborating with Hezbollah and the Quds Force through intelligence sharing between the Ministry of Intelligence, the IRGC, and their operational teams.

In addition to serving as deputy for internal security, Yahya Hosseiny is also in charge of the Israel desk at the Ministry of Intelligence.

The leader of Iran’s regime has prioritized offensive operations against Israel, and as a result, more financial and human resources have been allocated to this section.

Before Yahya Hosseiny, Saeed Hashemi Moqaddam held the position of deputy for internal security at the Ministry of Intelligence.

Hashemi Moqaddam, 62 years old and one of the older directors of the Ministry of Intelligence, was also sanctioned by the European Union and the United Kingdom after the Paris bombing plot was exposed. Although the internal security deputy position remains on the EU sanctions list, Yahya Hosseiny’s name has not yet been added to that list.

 

14 Men and Women Hanged in a Single Day in Iran

Mehdi Hosseini
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14 Men and Women Hanged in a Single Day in Iran

As Iran’s regime is trapped in a web of social, economic, and political crises, it has turned to executions to maintain its grip on power. In a single day, at least 14 prisoners—including four women—were executed in prisons across the country, including in Kermanshah, Damghan, Birjand, Kahnouj, Shiraz, Borujerd, and Zahedan. Since May 22, the number of executions has reached 20. Since April 21, the regime has executed 170 prisoners, marking the highest execution rate in recent years.

At dawn on Monday, May 19, Setareh Taherloo, a woman who had been arrested three years earlier on drug-related charges, was hanged in Damghan Prison. The rise in the number of women executed in recent months reflects the regime’s deep cruelty toward vulnerable segments of society.

Seventieth Week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” Campaign in Iran’s Prisons

Mass Execution in Birjand

On the morning of Monday, May 26, eight prisoners—including five men and three women—were executed in Birjand Prison. One of the victims, Hamid Shirzai, 39 years old, was married and the father of ten children. His execution, carried out without allowing a final visit with his family, is a clear violation of the basic rights of prisoners.

This wave of executions reveals the Iranian regime’s fear of growing public protests. These include the truck drivers’ strike in more than 110 cities, protests by bakers, and widespread dissatisfaction across various sectors of society.

Even members of the regime’s Majlis (parliament) acknowledge the crisis. On May 23, MP Javad Nikbin warned, “This volume of protests is not normal.” Another MP, Ahmad Bigdeli, spoke of a “threshold situation” and added, “If we cannot reform matters, this dissatisfaction will lead to a social explosion.” These remarks show that even inside the regime, the fear of a popular uprising has reached its peak.

Urgent Need for Global Action and Popular Solidarity

The recent executions, which especially target women and youth, are a flagrant violation of human rights and a crime against humanity. The international community, human rights organizations, and global institutions must pressure Iran’s regime to halt these executions. Amnesty International’s 2024 report shows that Iran has the highest execution rate in the world, and this trend has intensified in the current year.

Inside Iran, solidarity among various groups with the families of victims and those facing execution can further pressure the regime. The truck drivers’ strike and protests by other sectors have shown that the people of Iran are no longer willing to endure this injustice. These movements—joined by workers, teachers, and women—have the potential to become a nationwide uprising that could bring down the foundations of the regime.

 

Seventieth Week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” Campaign in Iran’s Prisons

Sia Rajabi
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Seventieth Week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” Campaign in Iran’s Prisons

In the seventieth week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign, Fardis Prison in Karaj joined the movement. Currently, 45 prisons across the country are on hunger strike in protest the growing number of executions in Iran’s prisons.

In this week’s statement, the prisoners declared that the only solution is to raise their voices and rise against oppression and injustice. They wrote:
“Silence is not the solution”; one must shout and rise against this injustice and tyranny. As has been the case for weeks, several families of political prisoners sentenced to death—together with young people and freedom-loving citizens—have shouted “No to executions” in front of prisons across the country and even in cities around the world in support of the campaign.

The Sixty-Ninth Week of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” Campaign In 44 Prisons Across Iran

The full text of the statement by prisoners participating in the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign is as follows:

With deep sorrow and regret, the killing of prisoners in the prisons of the ruling tyranny has not only failed to stop, but the statistics of this “madness of government-sanctioned killing of imprisoned citizens” continue to rise.

The repressive apparatus of the regime, between April 21 and May 21, sent over 170 imprisoned compatriots to the gallows—an unprecedented and horrifying statistic that shows every nine hours, two prisoners have been executed in Iran. Sadly, about 19% of these executions involve oppressed Baluch citizens, who are subjected to compounded discrimination and injustice.

The “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign sincerely calls on all human rights advocates and those who aspire to a free and equal Iran to stand with the victims of oppression during these difficult days and years. Iran’s regime, by violating fair trial rights and widely carrying out execution sentences, tramples on the “right to life” of ethnic and religious minorities and brazenly sends Baluch, Kurdish, and Arab compatriots, as well as prisoners of conscience, to the gallows.

1,164 Executions in Less Than a Year in Iran

How just and necessary it is for those who care about Iran—especially those with access to international platforms—to echo the Iranian people’s cry of “No to executions” and expose the regime’s “madness for killing” to the world. This inhumane behavior by the dictatorial regime toward minorities and the Iranian people is a clear example of a “crime against humanity” and a flagrant violation of human rights.

It is abundantly clear that every execution verdict in Iran carries a political dimension and is not merely the punishment of a defendant, because each defendant is a victim of the corrupt and dysfunctional structure of the regime. Moreover, there is no fair judicial process within the regime’s judiciary and security apparatus. The primary goal of these executions is to instill fear in society and prevent popular uprisings. As the crises in the country intensify, repression and executions have also escalated.

In line with this, in a creative act, the women prisoners involved in this campaign at Evin Prison gather every Tuesday at the same time as the families’ gatherings and chant “No to executions.”

This solidarity between those inside and outside prison is admirable, and it is fitting for the slogan “No to executions” to resonate in the streets and protests of various sectors of society.

We are pleased to announce that this week, too, a group of prisoners at Fardis Prison in Karaj have expressed their solidarity with the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign and will join the hunger strike in protest of the wave of executions.

Accordingly, political prisoners involved in the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign will be on hunger strike in 45 prisons on Tuesday, May 27, during the campaign’s seventieth week.

 

Spokesman Majlis National Security Commission: There Is No Hope for Negotiations

Hoshang Amiri
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Spokesman Majlis National Security Commission: There Is No Hope for Negotiations

The spokesman for the Iranian regime’s Majlis (Parliament) National Security Commission told CNN that, given the U.S. stance requiring a complete halt to uranium enrichment, there is no hope for successful negotiations with the United States, and the regime is preparing an alternative plan.

Ebrahim Rezaei, spokesman for the regime’s National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, told CNN that given the American officials’ insistence on a complete halt to uranium enrichment inside Iran, “there is no hope” for successful negotiations with the U.S., and the regime is “preparing for Plan B” in the event talks collapse.

On Saturday, May 24, Rezaei told the outlet that the Iranian regime has become disillusioned with the nuclear negotiation process, explaining that the U.S. side continues to insist on zero enrichment, and the Iranian regime will never agree to zero enrichment. “That’s why we are exploring an alternative plan.” However, he did not specify what that plan would entail.

Nuclear Talks Resume Between Iranian Regime and U.S. Amid Stalemate and Tensions

In the interview with CNN, Rezaei stated that if the Americans’ goal is merely to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, a deal might be achievable. But he added that if their goal is complete cessation of enrichment, then a deal will definitely not be possible.

Despite this, the spokesman added that it is still too early to judge the outcome of the negotiations, but “so far we have not seen much seriousness from the American side.”

Two sources from within the Iranian regime told CNN that since the United States insists on dismantling Tehran’s uranium enrichment program, it is unlikely that these talks will lead to an agreement.

These statements echo recent remarks by Steve Witkoff, the head of the U.S. negotiation team, in an interview with ABC News, in which he said that uranium enrichment is a clear red line for the Trump administration.

The negotiations between the U.S. and the Iranian regime, which began in April, represent the highest level of talks since the United States withdrew from the nuclear deal during Donald Trump’s first term.

Trump, after returning to the White House, has revived his “maximum pressure” campaign against the Iranian regime. He supports the ongoing negotiations but has warned that if diplomacy fails, the option of military action remains on the table.

 

The Iranian Regime Has Used Contaminated Chemical Compounds in Gasoline Production

Esmaeil Mohades
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The Iranian Regime Has Used Contaminated Chemical Compounds in Gasoline Production

Iran Open Data Center, citing a confidential document from the Ministry of Oil, reported that in recent years, the Iranian regime has used hazardous and contaminated compounds to produce gasoline.

According to the report published on Sunday, May 25, the Iranian regime carried out a widespread and systematic campaign of “adding chemical compounds produced outside the refinery cycle” to compensate for the gasoline shortage in the country.

Iran Open Data Center wrote in its report: These compounds include methyl tert-butyl ether (MTBE)—a banned petrochemical additive—and other aromatic octane boosters, which are added to gasoline to increase its octane rating.

The Winners and Losers of Iran’s New Gasoline Pricing Policies

Data from a confidential report by the Ministry of Oil obtained by Iran Open Data Center indicates that between 2022 and 2024, the blending of these hazardous materials with refinery-produced gasoline increased by about four times compared to previous years.

These compounds have been used even in refineries that claim to produce fuel according to Euro 4 and Euro 5 standards.

Although official statistics suggest that one-third of Iran’s gasoline is produced in accordance with Euro 4 and Euro 5 standards, the confidential Ministry of Oil report shows that even these fuels are contaminated with hazardous chemicals.

Javad Owji, the former oil minister of the Iranian regime, at the time announced the resumption of petrochemical gasoline production. Hamidreza Haji Babaei, the head of the 2024 Budget Consolidation Commission, also confirmed the signing of a $2.7 billion contract with petrochemical companies for gasoline production.

Statistics on additives produced outside refineries

Iran Open Data Center further wrote in its report that the Shazand refinery, which is considered the largest producer of Euro-standard gasoline in Iran, uses approximately 350,000 liters of the banned additive MTBE daily in its products.

This figure is 325,000 liters per day for the Isfahan refinery, the second-largest producer of Euro-standard gasoline in Iran.

Meanwhile, according to Iran Open Data Center, many countries have banned the use of this compound due to its “high potential for contaminating groundwater sources.”

The report continues: “In 2023, the average daily production of base gasoline at the country’s refineries was 101 million liters. With the addition of about 20 million liters of additives produced outside the refineries, this figure reached 121 million liters; nevertheless, it still falls short of the domestic daily consumption by 2.5 million liters.”

The production of petrochemical gasoline in Iran dates back to the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. After gasoline exports to Iran were sanctioned in 2010, the then-government used petrochemical products as a substitute for gasoline in an emergency plan known as the “Rapid Gasoline Production Plan.”

Rahmatollah Hafezi, then head of the Health Commission of Tehran City Council, stated in February 2014, referring to a daily increase of 22 deaths in Tehran during polluted days: “Non-standard petrochemical fuel emits 35 times the normal level of benzene into the air.”

Severe consequences of using contaminated compounds

Iran Open Data Center wrote in its report that the confidential document from the Ministry of Oil did not clarify the “type, composition, or effects” of the contaminated chemical substances used in gasoline production and only used vague terms such as “materials received from petrochemical plants” and “octane boosters” to refer to these compounds.

The report states that an analysis of official reports from the Ministry of Oil from 2019 to 2024 shows a consistent increase in the use of these substances. The only compound specifically mentioned is MTBE, which has remained a constant component in the final gasoline formula.

Iran Open Data Center also warned that the increasing reliance on high-risk additives, in the absence of refinery infrastructure development, has become a fundamental part of the country’s fuel supply—an approach with severe economic, health, and environmental consequences.

Previously, in January 2023, an official from the Environmental Protection Organization announced that only 38% of the gasoline produced in the country meets standard specifications.

 

Truckers’ Strike in Iran Enters Fourth Consecutive Day

Mehdi Hosseini
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Truckers’ Strike in Iran Enters Fourth Consecutive Day

Truck drivers and operators of heavy vehicles in Iran went on strike for the fourth consecutive day on Sunday, May 25. Government agents attacked some of the protesters and arrested several drivers.

Images and videos shared on social media show widespread strikes in dozens of cities across the provinces of South Khorasan, Ardabil, Bushehr, Sistan and Baluchestan, Gilan, Fars, Isfahan, Qazvin, West Azerbaijan, Yazd, and Razavi Khorasan.

The Union of Truckers and Heavy Vehicle Drivers of Iran, in a statement on Sunday, May 25, reported that the police used pepper spray on some of their members and arrested several individuals.

The new wave of protests by truck drivers began on May 19 in the southern port city of Bandar Abbas, where the strikers blocked the port’s entry and exit points.

Continued Protests of Iranian Retirees and Workers on the Eve of International Workers’ Day

By May 22, the strike became coordinated, and truckers in the cities of Arak, Ilam, Bandar Abbas, Tabriz, Sirjan, Shiraz, and Kermanshah also stopped working.

The protesting drivers stated that they are striking for one week in protest against the reduction of their diesel fuel quotas, high insurance costs, low freight rates, and other unmet industry demands.

Government Responses to the Strikes

Although state media in recent days attempted to portray freight transport in Iran as “normal and calm,” the widespread truckers’ strike drew reactions from Iranian regime officials.

Mehdi Khezri, deputy of Iranian regime’s Road Maintenance and Transportation Organization, promised on May 25 that drivers’ basic fuel quotas would remain unchanged and that the issue of quota reductions would be reconsidered.

He also pledged to resolve the truckers’ insurance issues, stating that meetings had been held with the Social Security Organization and the Ministry of Interior, and that the matter would be presented to the Cabinet to apply insurance discounts for the drivers.

However, Mohammad Mohammadi, the Iranian regime’s deputy for insurance affairs at the Social Security Organization, stated that the government will continue to pay 50% of the 27% insurance premium for drivers as before, and that this arrangement has not changed.

Fars News Agency, which is affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), dismissed reports of truckers’ insurance premiums multiplying as “rumors.” It claimed that the only change since the start of this year is a limitation on government subsidies up to the minimum annual wage as defined in the regime’s Seventh Development Plan.

 

Double the Price, None of the Promise: Corruption Behind Iran’s Aircraft Barter Deal

Sia Rajabi
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Double the Price, None of the Promise: Corruption Behind Iran’s Aircraft Barter Deal

On Sunday, May 25, ILNA, a state-affiliated news agency, reported that officials from Iran’s regime Civil Aviation Organization had purchased two Airbus aircraft from China for $116 million. This comes despite the fact that the actual value of each plane is less than $30 million.

The receipt of significant kickbacks and personal profits by regime officials from secret deals under the pretext of bypassing Western sanctions has repeatedly been highlighted in both domestic and international media over the past decade. The most prominent example is the accumulation of legendary wealth by Ali Shamkhani—an advisor to regime leader Ali Khamenei—and his sons through covert sales of Iranian oil.

On Saturday, May 24, the official news of the arrival of two Airbus A330 aircraft into the fleet of Iran’s airline was published. In April, Mehrdad Bazrpash, the former Minister of Roads and Urban Development, had claimed on X (formerly Twitter) that the purchase of the two aircraft had been finalized under the previous administration.

Bloomberg: Shamkhani’s Son’s Influence in the International Banking System

But now, ILNA reports that “the preparations for adding these two aircraft to the country’s aviation fleet began two years ago by an obscure Chinese company called Hakan Energy through a barter deal involving Iranian oil,” adding: “The key point is that the Chinese traded these aircraft, each worth less than $30 million, for $116 million worth of Iranian oil!”

The report continues, stating that the Chinese company Hakan Enerji has not settled a significant portion of its debt to Iran, because during the previous administration, in return for purchasing Iranian oil, the company became involved in projects such as the second-phase expansion of Khomeini Airport, valued at $2.5 billion. At the time, experts considered this figure astronomical for the outlined project. Hakan Enerji ultimately abandoned the project after the groundbreaking ceremony.

It was also planned that Hakan Energy, through oil barter deals, would take part in rail projects, purchase wagons, electrify the Tehran-Mashhad railway, and buy aircraft, but none of these initiatives came to fruition. Meanwhile, the import of 55 various aircraft through Hakan Energy was another part of the agreement, but after two years, only two of those planes have been added to Iran Air’s national fleet—and at double the price.

In recent days and weeks, Farzaneh Sadegh, the Minister of Roads and Urban Development in Iran’s regime, has faced widespread criticism for a 10 billion rial (approximately $12,000) trip she and her family took to Kish Island at government expense, as well as for signing a 610 trillion rial (approximately $734.9 million) contract with Babak Zanjani’s company. Zanjani is widely known as one of Iran’s most notorious economic criminals.

However, ILNA reported that the Airbus aircraft import contract was signed during the tenure of Mehrdad Bazrpash as Minister of Roads and Urban Development, in the final days of his time in the previous (thirteenth) administration. In a recommendation to Farzaneh Sadegh, Bazrpash claimed that he had “opened the path for aircraft acquisition and the modernization of the aviation fleet so that, instead of the government importing planes, the private sector could import more aircraft using better methods.”

Although senior officials of Iran’s regime claim that economic sanctions by the United States and its allies have plunged millions of Iranians into extreme poverty, reports like this reveal that a circle of regime-linked managers and brokers—affiliated with security and military institutions—have amassed astronomical wealth from the very heart of the sanction’s crisis.

In the latest case of aircraft imports, a corrupt structure legitimized under the pretext of “circumventing sanctions” has once again turned into an opportunity to plunder Iran’s national resources. Experts say that under normal conditions, purchasing used Airbus aircraft for under $30 million each was entirely feasible. However, under sanctions and in the absence of transparency, the deal was executed through oil barter at double the price—meaning the main profits go into the pockets of intermediaries and power-linked institutions.

Since the early 2010s, when oil sanctions on Iran intensified, institutions like the IRGC’s Khatam-al Anbiya Construction Headquarters, the Executive Headquarters of Khomeini’s Order (EIKO), and other quasi-private foundations have, under the guise of resisting external pressure, effectively become the main players in covert oil trade and foreign currency transfers. This process not only led to systemic corruption but also created a class of “sanctions profiteers” who benefit from the continuation of sanctions and use their influence within the country’s decision-making structure to prevent any cancellation or transparency of such operations.

 

Nuclear Talks Resume Between Iranian Regime and U.S. Amid Stalemate and Tensions

Sia Rajabi
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0
Nuclear Talks Resume Between Iranian Regime and U.S. Amid Stalemate and Tensions

The Iranian regime and U.S. negotiators resumed a new round of talks in Rome on Friday, May 23, aiming to resolve the decades-long dispute over Tehran’s nuclear ambitions. This comes as the regime’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, has warned that reaching a new agreement may be unattainable due to conflicting red lines.

U.S. President Donald Trump seeks to curb Tehran’s potential capacity to produce nuclear weapons—a capability that could spark a nuclear arms race in the region.

In contrast, the regime is aiming for relief from crippling sanctions that have devastated its oil-based economy.

The Heavy Cost of Iran’s Nuclear Program

Ahead of the Rome talks, both Tehran and Washington publicly adopted hardline positions regarding Iran’s uranium enrichment program.

Tehran and Washington remain deeply divided over several core red lines that negotiators must navigate to reach a new deal and avoid future military actions.

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on Tuesday, May 20, that Washington is seeking a deal that would allow Iran to maintain a civilian nuclear energy program but not permit uranium enrichment. He acknowledged that reaching such a deal would not be easy.

Ali Khamenei, the regime’s ultimate decision-maker, has described Washington’s demand to halt uranium enrichment as “excessive and insolent,” warning that the chances of reaching an outcome from these negotiations are slim.

Among the remaining obstacles to a U.S.-Iran agreement are Tehran’s refusal to send all of its highly enriched uranium stockpiles abroad and its unwillingness to enter negotiations over its ballistic missile program.

European Troika Holds Unproductive Nuclear Talks with Iranian Regime in Istanbul 

Iran has stated it is ready to accept some limitations on its enrichment program but demands “firm and reliable” guarantees from Washington that the U.S. will not withdraw from a future nuclear agreement.

The Trump administration, which revived the “maximum pressure” campaign against Tehran in February, had withdrawn from the 2015 nuclear deal between Iran and six world powers during Trump’s first presidential term in 2018, reimposing extensive sanctions that severely damaged Iran’s economy.

In response, Tehran has significantly exceeded the uranium enrichment limits set by the 2015 agreement.

According to Reuters, failure in the negotiations could carry heavy consequences. While Iran’s regime insists its nuclear program is strictly peaceful, Israel has repeatedly stated that it will not allow the regime to acquire nuclear weapons.

On Thursday, Iran’s regime foreign minister Abbas Araghchi warned that if Israel attacks Iran’s nuclear facilities, the United States would be legally responsible.

 

Iran’s Regime Executes 165 Prisoners in One Month

Esmaeil Mohades
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Iran’s Regime Executes 165 Prisoners in One Month

With at least 165 executions recorded between April 21 and May 21, 2025, Iran experienced its bloodiest month in recent years. The figure includes four women and two juvenile offenders. On the final day alone, at least 18 prisoners were hanged in various prisons across the country. This translates to an average of more than five executions per day.

Among the victims were 29 Baluch citizens, making up 19% of all those executed during this period. Additionally, 77 of the executions (48%) were related to drug offenses—cases that, according to reports, are often linked to the clandestine and opaque operations of institutions like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

1,164 Executions in Less Than a Year in Iran

The executions were carried out in various prisons across the country, including in Isfahan, Ghezel Hesar, Karaj, Tabriz, Hamedan, Zahedan, Birjand, Yazd, and Kahnuj.

In the ten months since Masoud Pezeshkian became president of Iran’s regime, the number of executions has reached a horrifying 1,212—an unprecedented figure over the past three decades, pointing to an increasing reliance on executions as a tool for repression and intimidation.

The National Council of Resistance of Iran, the country’s largest opposition group, condemned this wave of executions, calling it a sign of “the Iranian regime’s fear of the people’s mounting rage.” They stated that such repression will not prevent the regime’s downfall but will only deepen public hatred and outrage. The Resistance also urged the international community, particularly the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, to take immediate action to stop the executions and refer the regime’s crimes to the UN Security Council.

It is worth noting that in 2024 alone, more than 1,000 people were executed in Iran—figures that some human rights organizations describe as indicative of “a new wave of judicial violence and disregard for fundamental human rights” under the regime.

In Amnesty International’s annual report on the death penalty for 2024, Iran once again topped the list of countries with the highest number of recorded executions.

According to the report, at least 1,518 executions were recorded globally last year, nearly two-thirds of which were carried out in Iran—placing the country far ahead of others in terms of capital punishment.

While the United Nations and human rights bodies have for years called for the reduction and abolition of the death penalty worldwide, Iran’s regime has not only refused to follow this global trend but has intensified its execution practices, heightening concerns among international organizations and human rights activists.

 

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