Iranian Regime Judiciary Cancels Pardons for Jailed Protesters

Mehdi Hosseini
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Iranian Regime Judiciary Cancels Pardons for Jailed Protesters
The head of the Iranian regime’s judiciary ordered that the names of individuals arrested in the recent protests be removed from the annual pardon list. Each year, a number of prisoners in Iran are pardoned on the occasion of February 11, the anniversary of the 1979 revolution. Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei, head of the Iranian regime’s judiciary, has ordered that the names of all individuals who are in any way linked to recent “security issues” be removed from the pardon list and that this annual measure, which is carried out by order of Ali Khamenei, the regime’s supreme leader, not include them. On Monday, February 9, referring to the submission of the list of eligible convicts for pardon to Khamenei as in previous years, he stressed: “Given the circumstances that have arisen and the recent violent sedition, I have ordered that the names of all convicts who are in any way connected to security issues be removed from the pardon lists. The defendants and convicts of the recent unrest will also not be included in pardons or leniency.” Earlier, media outlets inside Iran had reported that during a trip to Markazi Province, the head of the judiciary had spoken of “submitting a proposal for the pardon of part of those detained in the recent events and the approval” of Khamenei, the leader of Iran’s regime. Following the popular January protests, the head of the Iranian regime’s judiciary has repeatedly emphasized severe and immediate response to protesters whom he has labeled “rioters.” Ejei issued the order to remove the names of “security detainees” from the pardon list while thousands of protesters were arrested by regime forces during the January protests. A number of them are individuals under eighteen years old and school students. Human rights organizations and bodies have repeatedly warned and expressed concern about the situation of those detained in the recent protests.

Iran’s ‘No to Executions Tuesdays’ Campaign Marks 107th week in Prisons Across the Country

Sia Rajabi
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Iran’s ‘No to Executions Tuesdays’ Campaign Marks 107th week in Prisons Across the Country
The “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign has entered the one 107th week of its strike. Participating prisoners issued a statement this week addressing prison conditions and the situation of executions. Political prisoners participating in this campaign called on their fellow citizens in Iran, under these conditions, to raise their voices and protest. They also stressed that in these sensitive circumstances, they aspire to reach a free and equal Iran, free of violence and executions, with the right of self-determination exercised by the people.
Amnesty International met en garde contre l’exécution imminente d’un manifestant iranien
In another part of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” statement, a sharp increase in the implementation of execution sentences during the month of Bahman (late January to mid-February) was noted. At the same time, hundreds of other prisoners are at risk of receiving or having execution sentences carried out.

The full text of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign statement

According to reports and information obtained during the proud uprising of January 2026, the repressive agents of the Iranian regime, in addition to massacring thousands of innocent people, arrested tens of thousands of Iranian citizens and youth, subjecting many of them to physical and psychological pressure to extract forced confessions. According to the same reports, as part of intensifying the atmosphere of repression and public intimidation, the execution-oriented government has arrested a number of lawyers, physicians, and medical staff, reflecting its growing fear of the brave uprising of the people in the previous month of Dey (December–January). The ruling despotic regime, over the past three weeks (from January 21 to the present), has executed more than 207 people, including two women. In addition to the hundreds and thousands of detained prisoners who are unidentified and at risk of the medieval sentence of execution, in recent days Kurdish political prisoner Nasser Bakarzadeh has been sentenced to death for the third time and faces a serious risk of execution. Here, we call on the brave and courageous people of Iran to be the voice of detainees and political prisoners, and we ask the families of those detained to raise their cries of protest against oppression, injustice, and widespread and extrajudicial arrests, and to support their loved ones. Indeed! Fellow citizens, under these conditions silence is not an option; the only option and the path to salvation is to raise one’s voice and protest. In these sensitive circumstances, we aspire to reach a free and equal Iran, free of violence and executions, and with the “right of self-determination” exercised by the people. Political prisoners participating in the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign are on hunger strike on Tuesday, February 10, in the 107th week of the campaign, across 56 prisons nationwide.

Indian Navy Seizes Three Oil Tankers Linked to Iranian Regime

Hoshang Amiri
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Indian Navy Seizes Three Oil Tankers Linked to Iranian Regime
Media outlets in Iran reported that the Indian Navy has seized three oil tankers linked to the Iranian regime for violating international sanctions. According to these reports, the reason for the seizure of the three oil tankers was “illegal activities such as oil smuggling.” Domestic media added that these tankers, which belonged to a single company, were placed on the United States sanctions list in 2025. The Indian Coast Guard had earlier announced in a statement that on February 6, it had dismantled an international oil smuggling network in a precise and coordinated maritime-aerial operation. The statement said that the network transferred cargo at sea and in international waters, moving cheap oil from crisis-stricken regions to oil tankers and, through this method, evaded paying legal duties to coastal countries. The Indian Coast Guard added that continuous inspections, analysis of electronic data, and interrogation of the crews clarified the operating methods [of these tankers] and their links to a globally directed network.” According to the agency, the three “suspicious” vessels, known for frequently changing their identities, were stopped at a distance of about 100 nautical miles west of Mumbai and were directed toward the port of Mumbai to undergo legal proceedings. However, TankerTrackers reported on February 7 that three oil tankers named Stellar Ruby, Al Jafzia, and Asphalt Star were seized by India, all of which are on Washington’s sanctions list.
U.S. Treasury Identifies $9 Billion in ‘Iranian Shadow Banking’ Activity
According to TankerTrackers, the oil tanker “Stellar Ruby” was operating under the Iranian flag. In recent months, the Iranian regime has sought to bypass U.S. oil sanctions through a “shadow fleet.” This network of oil tankers transports sanctioned oil by changing flags, turning off tracking systems, transferring cargo from ship to ship, and using opaque ownership structures. On the other hand, Washington has sought to disrupt the activities of the Iranian regime’s shadow fleet by imposing targeted sanctions. In the latest move, the U.S. Department of the Treasury announced on February 7 the imposition of new sanctions against a network of ships, companies, and individuals linked to Iran’s oil trade. In the new sanctions package, the names of 14 vessels, 15 commercial entities, and two individuals appear. On February 6, U.S. President Donald Trump, in a new executive order, extended the “national emergency” against Iran and established a new mechanism for imposing tariffs on countries that engage in economic transactions with the Iranian regime.

Tens of Thousands Rally in Berlin in Support of Iran’s Uprising and Democratic Change

Jubin Katiraie
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Tens of Thousands Rally in Berlin in Support of Iran’s Uprising and Democratic Change

Berlin — February 7, 2026

Tens of thousands of demonstrators gathered at Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate on Saturday, braving freezing temperatures to mark the anniversary of Iran’s 1979 anti-monarchical revolution while voicing support for ongoing protests inside Iran. The rally brought together Iranian communities from across Europe alongside political figures and activists, reflecting a coordinated effort by diaspora groups to draw international attention to developments inside the country and to present competing visions for Iran’s political future. Participants carried banners calling for freedom, justice for victims of repression, and accountability for those responsible for human rights abuses. Organizers described the gathering as part of a broader wave of mobilization among Iranians abroad, intended to amplify demands heard in recent protests that have increasingly moved beyond economic grievances toward calls for fundamental political change. Some speakers and participants joined remotely after weather disruptions affected travel, but the program proceeded with a series of speeches centered on opposition to both monarchical and clerical rule. Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), said in her address that recent protests marked a decisive phase in what she described as a long-running struggle against dictatorship. Addressing the crowd, she stated that the “countdown” to overthrow had begun and portrayed the Resistance Units as the organized backbone of the uprising. Referring to years of opposition activity, she said, “For years and years, we said: overthrow, overthrow,” framing the current moment as the result of sustained resistance. Mrs. Rajavi also warned against what she described as attempts to divert the direction of protests through monarchist slogans such as “Long Live the Shah,” calling them a source of division that benefits repression. Reiterating the slogan “No to Shah, no to the mullahs,” she presented a political roadmap centered on the establishment of a democratic republic, separation of religion and state, gender equality, and a non-nuclear Iran. She outlined a transition framework in which a constituent assembly would draft a new constitution within months of political change and called for international measures including open internet access for Iranians and legal accountability for senior officials accused of human rights violations, while emphasizing that change must be led by Iranians themselves. Other speakers framed the Berlin gathering within broader international and historical contexts. Charles Michel, former President of the European Council, drew parallels between Berlin’s own political transformation and Iran’s trajectory, telling participants that “no wall is eternal” and that “freedom cannot be defeated forever.” He argued that European policy should move beyond treating Tehran as a permanent fixture and described the existence of an organized political alternative as essential for a stable transition, referring to the NCRI’s Ten-Point Plan as a framework for moving from protest to democratic governance. Former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo described the moment as extending beyond a cycle of unrest, telling rallygoers that the struggle inside Iran is primarily internal and cannot be imposed from outside. He pointed to organized resistance networks as evidence that opposition persists despite repression and presented the NCRI’s political program as an answer to questions often raised in Western capitals regarding alternatives and post-transition stability. Pompeo warned against what he characterized as “strongman solutions,” including monarchist restoration, arguing that such outcomes risk reproducing authoritarian rule under a different form. Peter Altmaier, former German Federal Minister for Economic Affairs and Energy, addressed Europe’s approach to Iran, arguing that expectations of gradual reform had lost credibility in light of repression. He called for stronger sanctions and urged media organizations to expand reporting on developments inside Iran, describing independent information as essential for societies facing censorship. Rather than focusing on individual leaders, he referred to democratic guarantees such as rule of law and equal rights as benchmarks for political transition. Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger, former German Federal Minister of Justice, framed the rally in legal and human rights terms, emphasizing freedom of expression, free elections, and separation of religion and state as measurable standards of democracy. She called for the release of detainees arrested during protests and condemned executions, urging accountability that extends to senior decision-makers. Women’s rights, she noted, remain a central indicator of democratic legitimacy. Speakers representing Iranian political organizations and civil society also addressed the crowd. Jalal Khoshkelam of the Khabat Organization of Iranian Kurdistan described internet shutdowns and restrictions on communication as attempts to conceal repression, calling for international institutions to respond by increasing pressure on the Iranian authorities. Sasan Khatouni, representing the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan, emphasized the importance of pluralism and equal political participation for Iran’s diverse nationalities, warning against a return to personality-driven rule. Activists and younger speakers echoed similar themes. NCRI supporter Naghmeh Rajabi stressed rejection of authoritarianism in any form, describing the goal as a democratic republic rather than the replacement of one ruling system with another. Iranian youth speaker Hiva Mohammadi focused on organization and continuity, telling protesters inside Iran that diaspora demonstrations aimed to signal solidarity and sustained support. As the rally concluded, participants dispersed after several hours of speeches and demonstrations that combined remembrance, political messaging, and appeals for international engagement. The Berlin gathering illustrated the continued mobilization of Iranian communities abroad and the persistence of organized efforts to influence international discourse on Iran’s political future. While speakers differed in emphasis, the event reflected a shared effort to connect diaspora activism with ongoing developments inside Iran, presenting the uprising as part of a broader and unresolved political struggle whose outcome remains contested.

Berlin Rally Draws Iranian Diaspora in Support of Uprising and Democratic Change

Sia Rajabi
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Berlin Rally Draws Iranian Diaspora in Support of Uprising and Democratic Change

Berlin — February 7, 2026

Thousands of Iranians and supporters of the Iranian Resistance gathered in Berlin on Saturday in a large rally organized to express solidarity with ongoing protests inside Iran and to call for greater international attention to human rights and political developments in the country. The event, held in the German capital, brought together members of Iranian communities from across Europe and coincided with the anniversary of the 1979 anti-monarchical revolution, framing the gathering around opposition to dictatorship and calls for a democratic future determined by the Iranian people. Participants filled central areas of the city carrying banners and placards calling for freedom, justice for victims of repression, and accountability for officials accused of human rights abuses. The rally was part of broader diaspora mobilization aimed at amplifying voices from inside Iran, where protests in recent years have increasingly included calls for systemic political change rather than limited reforms. Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, the President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), said in her address that the gathering reflected the continuation of what she described as a nationwide uprising, portraying recent protests as a turning point that had resonated beyond Iran’s borders. She described the uprising as an event that “shook Iran and the world,” honoring those killed during demonstrations and emphasizing the sacrifices made by protesters. Throughout her remarks, Mrs. Rajavi framed the current political moment as part of a longer historical trajectory. She referred repeatedly to decades of opposition to the ruling system, calling for recognition of what she described as a 44-year resistance movement aimed at overthrowing the clerical establishment. In this context, she praised families of those killed in past and recent confrontations, highlighting stories of bereaved parents who, she said, transformed loss into continued political resolve. The speech also invoked figures associated with the Iranian opposition, including Ashraf Rajavi and Moussa Khiabani, whose words were cited as expressions of endurance and hope during periods of repression. These references placed the present developments within a narrative of continuity, linking current protests to earlier phases of political struggle. Mrs. Rajavi described the January uprising as having “three sides”: protesters seeking freedom, the ruling authorities who responded with force, and what she characterized as monarchist elements attempting to appropriate the movement’s outcome. She criticized slogans supportive of the former monarchy, arguing that such divisions weakened the unity of protests and benefited the ruling establishment. Her remarks echoed a recurring theme of rejecting both the monarchy and the current clerical system, summarized in the slogan “No to the Shah, no to the mullahs.” Looking beyond immediate political tensions, Mrs. Rajavi outlined elements of a future political framework she said could follow a change of power. She described a vision of a democratic republic characterized by separation of religion and state, equal rights for women, and recognition of the rights of Iran’s diverse ethnic communities, including Kurds, Baluchi, Turkmens, and Arabs. She also referred to a transition process involving the drafting of a new constitution by a constituent assembly elected within six months after the fall of the current system. In addition to addressing the Iranian diaspora, Mrs. Rajavi directed part of her speech toward international policymakers. She called on governments to take concrete steps aligned with the demands raised by protesters, including measures to halt executions of detainees connected to protests, support for unrestricted internet access, and legal accountability for Iranian officials accused of crimes against humanity. She also urged the closure of Iranian embassies and the expulsion of individuals linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and intelligence services, as well as broader economic and political pressure on the ruling establishment. The Berlin rally unfolded against a backdrop of continued political debate among Iranian communities abroad over the direction of opposition movements and the nature of potential alternatives to the current system. The gathering’s emphasis on organized resistance, unity among opposition forces, and international engagement reflected ongoing efforts by diaspora groups to influence global perceptions of events inside Iran. As speeches concluded and participants dispersed, the rally left behind a visible demonstration of diaspora activism centered on Iran’s political future. While differing perspectives remain among Iranian opposition currents, the Berlin event illustrated the continued mobilization of communities outside Iran seeking to shape international discourse around the country’s internal developments.

Iran’s Regime Used Foreign Mercenaries to Suppress 2026 Protests

Jubin Katiraie
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Iran’s Regime Used Foreign Mercenaries to Suppress 2026 Protests
The nationwide uprising of January 2026, with its unprecedented geographic spread and structure-breaking slogans, placed the entire Iranian regime in the face of an existential challenge and a “survival situation.” The intensity of this popular uprising was such that it eroded and weakened the regime’s traditional apparatus of repression. Credible field reports and strategic analyses show that the authorities, fearing noncompliance by domestic forces and defections within the repressive ranks, resorted to an unprecedented and dangerous measure: summoning extraterritorial arms and proxy militias to confront the Iranian people directly.

Field evidence; traces of foreigners on Iran’s streets

An examination of data from credible news sources and eyewitness reports reveals a grim reality. Irrefutable evidence indicates that by early January 2026, at least 800 militia forces affiliated with groups such as “Kataib Hezbollah,” “Harakat al-Nujaba,” “Sayyid al-Shuhada Brigades,” and the “Badr Organization”—all Iraqi Iran-aligned armed groups—were deployed from Iraq into Iranian territory. The deployment geography of these forces targeted the most volatile centers of the uprising: the provinces of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Khuzestan (especially Abadan), Isfahan, Lorestan, and the city of Mashhad. Eyewitness reports from Zand Boulevard in Shiraz and the streets of Abadan describe the presence of agents speaking with a strong Arabic accent—distinct from the dialect of Iranian Arabs in Khuzestan—who suppressed protesters with a level of brutality markedly different from that of local forces. In Mashhad, the presence of a 150-member unit wearing specialized combat gear has also been reported, indicating an organized plan to contain the uprising.

Strategic logic; why did the regime resort to “imported mercenaries”?

The use of proxy forces within national borders represents a fundamental shift in the regime’s repression model, based on three main pillars: Emotional and national disconnect: The imported forces—whether Iraqi militias or units such as the Fatemiyoun Division—lack any national, historical, or emotional ties to the Iranian people. While the people of Iran and the region have long-standing fraternal bonds, the regime has deployed these elements, who have been indoctrinated with sectarian ideology for years, to ensure its survival. For these mercenaries, firing on rebellious Iranian youth is not the killing of compatriots but the elimination of a presumed enemy, pushing the brutality of repression to its peak. Fear of internal defiance: By importing foreign forces, the regime sends a threatening message to its domestic security apparatus. This move serves as leverage to prevent any potential sympathy between local forces and the people and to block avenues for defection or disobedience within the repressive structure. Expertise in urban warfare: These militias have spent years in the ruins of Syria and Iraq, learning guerrilla warfare tactics and neighborhood-clearing operations. The regime is now employing these grim experiences to confront uprising centers in Iranian cities.

Diplomacy in the service of crime

Investigations show that the infrastructure enabling the rapid transfer of these forces was not accidental but the result of years of planning. Handing over the regime’s embassies in the region to commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), such as Iraj Masjedi in Iraq, effectively turned these diplomatic missions into logistical and support hubs for organizing and deploying militias. This process proves that the regime’s foreign policy apparatus is an inseparable part of its military repression machine.

International reactions and the stance of the Resistance

In numerous statements, the National Council of Resistance of Iran, while exposing this sinister plan, has emphasized that the regime is now using forces it previously organized under the deceptive label of “defenders of the shrine” to defend the regime against the Iranian people. On the international stage, recent statements by the European Parliament and positions taken by Kaja Kallas, stressing that repression cannot go unanswered, are reactions to this very genocide in digital darkness. The involvement of extraterritorial terrorist forces in suppressing the Iranian people is now being cited as a powerful legal document in the case for designating the IRGC as a terrorist organization in Europe.

Iran as an occupied land

The use of proxy forces in the January 2026 uprising delivered the final blow to the false claims of the regime’s armed forces being “popular” and “powerful.” This action proved that the clerical regime, to preserve its power, views Iran not as a homeland but as an “occupied land,” over which it will commit any crime— even seeking the help of foreigners to massacre the rightful owners of this country— to maintain its domination.

Alarming Spike in Death Sentences and the Extrajudicial Killing of Protesters in Iran

Jubin Katiraie
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Alarming Spike in Death Sentences and the Extrajudicial Killing of Protesters in Iran
Following the bloody suppression of nationwide protests, thousands of people have been arrested in connection with the demonstrations. Most detainees are currently being held in detention centers, prisons, and unofficial or secret facilities under the control of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Ministry of Intelligence. Many detainees are being kept in a state of complete isolation from the outside world, with no information about their condition, without access to their families or lawyers, and entirely outside any effective judicial oversight.
Iran Loses 1.56 million Dollars Every Hour Due To Internet Shutdowns
Senior officials of the Iranian regime, including the head of the judiciary, have publicly ordered the holding of expedited trials and the imposition of severe punishments, and are systematically labeling protesters as “terrorists,” “foreign agents,” and “mohareb” (those accused of waging war against God), charges that under the laws of the Iranian regime can lead to death sentences. Since the first week of the protests, state-run media have broadcast hundreds of forced confessions extracted under pressure, torture, and threats against detainees and their families. Numerous reports also indicate that some injured protesters in detention have been killed with a final execution-style shot or deliberately denied medical care, leading to their deaths. It is said that a number of protesters have been secretly executed after arrest without any judicial proceedings. Given the horrific conditions of detainees connected to the protests, an emergency situation has emerged in Iran that requires the immediate attention and action of the international community.
The IRGC on the European Union’s Terrorism List; Symbolic or a Real Threat?
The Iranian regime is seeking to prevent the formation of new waves of protest by establishing a reign of terror and to prolong the survival of an unstable and fragile system. Execution is the most effective tool this government uses to instill fear and terror in society. The authorities are attempting to continue the mass killing of protesters, now inside prisons and detention centers after the streets. Thousands of detained protesters, defenseless and held under inhumane conditions, are exposed to torture, enforced disappearance, and the immediate risk of execution or killing following show trials. Based on its legal and moral responsibility, the international community is obliged to act immediately to protect their lives.

NCRI Reports At Least 72 Executions in Iran Between January 28 and February 3

Esmaeil Mohades
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NCRI Reports At Least 72 Executions in Iran Between January 28 and February 3
The Secretariat of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) reported that at least 72 executions were carried out in Iran between January 28 and February 3, 2026, according to reports received by the morning of February 4. The NCRI stated that the total number of registered executions in January 2026 reached 341, marking the fourth consecutive month in which executions exceeded 300. According to the statement, registered executions in October, November, and December 2025 were 309, 346, and 423 respectively.
Hundreds of Students Killed, Injured, or Arrested During Iran’s Protests
According to the statement, 15 prisoners were executed on February 3 in various cities including Shiraz, Sabzevar, Birjand, Bam, Jiroft, Yazd, Malayer, Mahabad, Lahijan, Khaf, Ilam, Borazjan, Ahvaz, Rasht, and Sirjan. On February 2, 10 prisoners were hanged in Nowshahr, Isfahan, Kerman, Saveh, Kashan, Zanjan, Dorud, Qaemshahr, Neyshabur, and Gorgan. The statement further reported that 11 executions took place on February 1 in cities including Semnan, Bandar Abbas, Tabriz, Nowshahr, Sanandaj, Borujerd, Qom, Ardabil, Qazvin, Nain, and Arak. Another 11 prisoners were executed on January 31 in Yasuj, Nahavand, Iranshahr, Zahedan, Hamedan, Dezful, Kermanshah, Aligudarz, Karaj, and Khorramabad. According to the NCRI, nine prisoners were executed on January 29 in Kerman, Taybad, Gonabad, Bojnurd, Mahshahr, Sari, Ferdows, Behbahan, and Bukan. The statement also said that 16 prisoners were executed on January 28, including Amir Rouhi in Kerman and Amir Hossein Tavakoli Zanyani in Shahr-e Kord, while the names of the remaining victims had been included in a previous statement. The statement concluded by asserting that the continuation of executions reflects a regime facing crises and internal problems and claimed that stopping executions and the killing of protesters even for a single day would lead to its overthrow.

Hundreds of Students Killed, Injured, or Arrested During Iran’s Protests

Mehdi Hosseini
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Hundreds of Students Killed, Injured, or Arrested During Iran’s Protests
According to information released so far, at least 86 students were killed during the January protests. Naturally, this figure does not yet include all names, as severe pressure on families and strict communication restrictions remain in place. According to student activists, the closure of universities has created an environment for the silent suppression of students. Every day, student media report the arrest of a new student. “Ali Taheri-Kia,” “Mobin Safdari,” and “Abbas Yousefi” are three students from the University of Tehran whose arrest, while on routes leading to student dormitories, now dates back nearly four weeks. According to student activists, dozens of students are currently being held in detention. According to student sources, with the loss of safe spaces on university campuses and under recent psychological and security pressures, at least five students have taken their own lives. “Elina Bahrami” and “Nia Samari,” students at the University of Tehran; “Fatemeh Kamali,” a student at Shiraz University; and “Erfan Taherkhani” and “Farhad Salari,” students at a university of medical sciences, are among the students who have lost their lives under suspicious circumstances in recent days. The state-run news website Emtedad writes that the Ministry of Science, by transferring its responsibilities to universities, has effectively remained inactive and passive under these critical conditions. Emtedad writes: “It seems that the Ministry of Science, which itself lacks the ability to make decisions and accept the consequences of its own decisions, is trying to absolve itself of all responsibility by delegating these decisions to universities. Since the beginning of the recent protests, this ministry has done nothing but issue directives and release slogan-filled statements, while the Ministry of Health has remained completely silent. This is while universities, more than ever, are in need of proper management to reduce tensions during these days.”

Iran Loses 1.56 million Dollars Every Hour Due To Internet Shutdowns

Mehdi Hosseini
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Iran Loses 1.56 million Dollars Every Hour Due To Internet Shutdowns
A privacy and internet security analyst says that Iran, due to internet shutdowns imposed by the Iranian regime, loses 1.56 million dollars every hour, further damaging its already stagnant economy and disrupting the lives of more than 90 million people. Simon Migliano, head of research at the privacy company Privacy, told Fox News about Iran’s prolonged internet shutdowns that the losses caused by these disruptions continue even after partial internet connectivity is restored. In this interview, which was published on Wednesday, February 4, he noted: “The current blackout is costing Iran an estimated $37.4 million per day, or $1.56 million every hour.” Migliano added that the complete internet shutdown has cost Iran more than 780 million dollars, and subsequent strict filtering continues to have a significant economic impact.
The Uncertain Fate of Detainees Following the Bloody Crackdown on Iran Protests
He added: “Iran has already drained $215 million from its economy in 2025 by disrupting internet access.” Migliano said his estimates were calculated using the “NetBlocks Cost” tool, an economic model that measures the immediate impact on a country’s gross domestic product when its digital economy is forcibly taken offline. According to Fox, this model assesses the direct damage to productivity, online transactions, and remote work using data from the World Bank, the International Telecommunication Union, Eurostat, and the United States Census Bureau. Earlier, Sattar Hashemi, the Iranian regime’s minister of communications, said last week that internet shutdowns cause daily losses of five quadrillion rials to Iran’s economy (approximately 31.25 million dollars). He also announced on February 1 that internet speeds have not yet returned to the conditions prior to January 7 and 8, and that traffic levels remain low. Internet access in Iran was cut by Iranian regime authorities on Thursday night, January 8, following widespread public protests. Fox wrote: “While officials later restored much of the country’s domestic bandwidth, as well as local and international phone calls and SMS messaging, the population is largely unable to freely access the internet because of heavy state filtering.” Before explaining how, even when access is briefly restored, the internet remains heavily censored and effectively unusable without circumvention tools such as VPNs, Migliano said: “We can see spikes showing that as soon as connectivity returned, users immediately sought VPNs to reach sites and services outside the state-controlled network, including global platforms such as WhatsApp and Telegram that remain otherwise inaccessible.” He said:”Sustained demand — averaging 427% above normal levels — indicates Iranians are stockpiling circumvention tools in anticipation of further blackouts.” Migliano added: “The usual strategy is to download as many free tools as possible and cycle between them. It becomes a cat-and-mouse game, as the government blocks individual VPN servers and providers rotate IP addresses to stay ahead of the censors.” He pointed out: “Iran’s three-week internet blackout may have been lifted, but connectivity remains severely disrupted still.” “Access is still heavily filtered. It is restricted to a government-approved ‘whitelist’ of sites and apps and the connection itself remains highly unstable throughout the day,” Migliano claimed. In this regard, Conduit statistics show that daily connections by Iranian users to the Conduit–Psiphon network have risen from a few thousand to more than 29 million. According to data from the Conduit website, prior to January 20, the number of daily connections from Iran was fewer than 8,000.
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