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Iraqi Militia Commander Arrested Over Alleged Plotting of Terrorist Attacks in the U.S. and Europe
An Iraqi militia commander has been arrested on charges of involvement in planning more than 12 “terrorist” attacks in North America and Europe, attacks that judicial officials say were planned in response to war with Iran.
U.S. judicial officials say that Mohammad Bagher Saad Dawood Saeedi, 32, was planning attacks on a synagogue in New York and two Jewish centers in Los Angeles and Scottsdale.
According to the criminal complaint, he faces six terrorism-related charges. His lawyer, however, says he has been targeted in a politically motivated prosecution.
According to U.S. officials, Saeedi is one of the commanders of Kataib Hezbollah, an Iraq-based group that the United States considers a terrorist organization, and which has close ties to Iran.
Saeedi, an Iraqi citizen, was first arrested in Turkey and then handed over to the FBI and transferred to the United States.
Saeedi appeared in federal court in Manhattan and will remain in custody pending trial.
Concerns in U.S. Congress Over Cryptocurrency Transfers to Networks Linked to Iran’s Regime
Two members of the U.S. Congress, Sean Casten and Gregory Meeks, in an official letter to the U.S. government, called for explanations regarding the role of cryptocurrency exchange Binance in large-scale digital currency transfers.
In the letter, published on Thursday, May 14, it was claimed that about $1.7 billion in cryptocurrency had been transferred through Binance to wallets linked to armed groups and forces affiliated with the Iranian regime. According to the lawmakers, part of this financial network was likely used to circumvent U.S. sanctions.
The report also referred to Tehran-backed groups such as the Houthis in Yemen. The members of Congress emphasized that these transactions took place while Binance had been under scrutiny by U.S. authorities following regulatory agreements and commitments to implement strict anti-money laundering regulations.
They also recalled that Binance admitted in 2023 to violating certain U.S. financial laws, but despite regulatory agreements, reports indicate that suspicious transactions have continued, some of which have been attributed to activities linked to the Iranian regime.
The two members of Congress asked the U.S. Department of Justice and the Treasury Department to explain the effectiveness of the controls imposed on Binance and the possible reasons for failing to prevent these financial transfers.
The letter also expressed concern over the use of cryptocurrencies to evade sanctions imposed on the Iranian regime and requested a comprehensive report on how Binance’s operations are being monitored.
IRGC Increases Terrorist Activities in Gulf Arab Countries
At a time when Iran’s regime is pursuing a policy of regional militarism, a broad wave of alleged IRGC-linked terrorist activity is intensifying in Gulf Arab countries.
A recent report by the U.S. newspaper The New York Times has once again drawn attention to Iran’s extraterritorial activities and networks linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) across Arab states in the Persian Gulf. The report describes a wave of mass arrests in several regional countries. Security officials in these states have accused detainees of ties to the IRGC and involvement in security cooperation with Iran’s regime. Meanwhile, the region’s political and media environment has also been affected by growing concerns over IRGC-related terrorism.
IRGC Members Arrested in Kuwait, Woman Sentenced to Life in Prison in Bahrain for Cooperation with IRGCAccording to the report, more than 100 alleged IRGC operatives have been arrested in Gulf Arab countries. The main charges against these individuals are treason and cooperation with networks affiliated with Iran’s regime. The report states that regional governments, following heightened military and security tensions with Iran, have begun extensive surveillance of groups and individuals close to Tehran.
IRGC terrorism in Bahrain; revocation of citizenship and cleric arrests
Bahrain has been identified as one of the main centers of this security case. According to the published report, Bahraini authorities have revoked the citizenship of 69 individuals. In addition, 41 others have been arrested on charges of links to the IRGC. Among those detained are dozens of clerics aligned with Iran’s regime. A human rights group has stated that 37 of those detained in Bahrain are clerics. This has triggered widespread reactions in regional media. Media outlets close to the Bahraini government have described these individuals as part of a “soft influence network” of the rule of the Supreme Leader. In contrast, some groups affiliated with Iran’s regime have described the arrests as political. In previous years as well, Bahrain has repeatedly accused Iran’s regime of security interference and organizing armed groups. The country’s government had earlier stated that some opposition groups were trained on Iranian soil. The latest New York Times report now suggests that concerns over IRGC-related terrorism in Bahrain have entered a new phase.UAE; publication of suspects’ images and calls for harsh punishment
A similar case is underway in the United Arab Emirates. According to The New York Times report, 27 individuals in the country have been accused of membership in a Shiite terrorist organization. The UAE government has published images of these individuals and described them as part of an organized network. Some figures close to the UAE authorities have also called for severe judicial action against the accused. Emirati media have described the case as part of Iran’s regime efforts to achieve security infiltration in Arab countries. Security officials in the UAE have stressed that any connection to IRGC-linked networks is considered a threat to national security. In recent years, relations between Iran’s regime and Gulf Arab states have repeatedly been in crisis. Attacks on oil facilities, arms smuggling cases, and the activities of proxy groups have been among the main points of contention between Tehran and regional governments. Now, the issue of IRGC-related terrorism has once again become one of the central security concerns for Arab states.Increasing regional pressure against the clerical regime
The New York Times report indicates that Gulf Arab countries have adopted a stricter approach toward networks close to Iran’s regime. Security institutions in these countries believe the IRGC is attempting to exploit sectarian divisions to expand its influence. In past years, regional governments have repeatedly accused Iran’s regime of creating instability. Many of these countries believe Tehran uses militias and proxy forces to advance its regional objectives. The recent mass arrests now indicate that the IRGC terrorism case has entered a new stage. Rising tensions in the Persian Gulf are occurring alongside internal crises within Iran’s regime. Iran’s regime is facing waves of public dissatisfaction, an economic crisis, and widespread protests at home. Nevertheless, international reports continue to indicate ongoing security and regional operations by the IRGC outside Iran’s borders.77 Days of Internet Shutdown, A Tool of Control and a Sign of Tehran’s Real Fears
The crisis of internet shutdowns in Iran has entered a new phase. 77 days of internet cuts, widespread disruptions, a sharp decline in access quality, and the implementation of restrictive policies have now become one of the main sources of public dissatisfaction. At the same time as economic and social pressures increase, many users, business owners, and media activists believe that the regime is trying to exert greater control over the public sphere by continuing its policy of internet shutdowns.
In this regard, Qader Bastani Tabrizi, a communications professor and board member of the Journalists’ Trade Association, warned about the widespread consequences of internet shutdowns in an interview with the government-affiliated ILNA news agency on May 13, 2026. ILNA is a labor-focused media outlet in Iran that is generally considered close to state institutions. He stressed: available data and people’s daily experience show that the state of the internet in recent months has created a wave of anger and social dissatisfaction. Bastani Tabrizi said: despite being aware of the consequences of the crisis, the government continues its policy of blocking access. Ignoring public opinion is either a sign of complete disregard for society or a sign of inability to make decisions.🌍 #Iran's digital isolation is now entering its 77th day as the internet blackout passes 1824 hours. The measure presents an emerging mental health risk to the public, who are largely cut off from online platforms, communications, and normal interaction with the outside world. pic.twitter.com/MvRxvTRlY6
— NetBlocks (@netblocks) May 15, 2026
Internet shutdown and the failure of government promises
Bastani Tabrizi then referred to the election promises of the government of Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian. He said: despite earlier slogans, the government has not made any real change in the state of internet access. He added that merely expressing dissatisfaction by officials does not solve the problem. If the government does not have decision-making authority, it should state this clearly, so the public knows which institution is actually responsible for the internet shutdown policy.Behind the Internet Shutdown: The Iranian Regime’s Black MarketHe also referred to the continuation of restrictions after a ceasefire was established and said: people do not accept that the internet is cut for weeks without any clear explanation. During this period, many online businesses were destroyed and severe damage was inflicted on people’s livelihoods. At the same time, the implementation of a tiered internet policy and the provision of special internet access for select groups at several times higher prices has triggered widespread anger among users. Bastani Tabrizi described this policy as contrary to media justice and said the government has chosen a path of digital discrimination instead of expanding free access.
Accountability crisis and growing distrust
The board member of the Journalists’ Trade Association said ambiguity in digital rights is one of the main roots of the crisis. He stated that no specific institution takes responsibility for internet shutdowns, and this has intensified public distrust. Bastani Tabrizi stressed that the decision-making structure regarding the internet is controlled by a narrow group that does not value public demand. According to him, in this view, the internet is seen not as a development infrastructure but as a permanent threat. He also pointed to the failure of official media in representing social diversity. He said state media continue to operate in a monolithic manner, deepening the gap between society and the official structure. In response to the question of whether the internet is the cause of unrest, he stated that the roots of social crises lie in the economy, unemployment, inflation, and livelihood pressures. The internet is merely a reflection of these crises, and it is not possible to hide social realities by shutting it down.” The internet shutdown crisis has now become a symbol of a deeper crisis in the ruling structure of the clerical regime in Iran. A government that fears protest, awareness, and the free flow of information is trying to contain a dissatisfied society through blocking and controlling the online space. However, experience from past years has shown that internet shutdown policies have neither created stability nor lasting security. This policy has only increased public anger, social distrust, and the gap between the people and the government.Targeted Repression of Iranian Women, From Mass Arrests to Death Sentences
Women in Iran have faced a wave of widespread arrests and targeted repression; a wave that indicates a planned intensification of control amid the crisis. Features of this period include mass arrests, the issuance of heavy judicial sentences, and increased harassment and pressure on the families of political prisoners, those executed, and those killed during the January 2026 uprising.
This report presents a picture of the situation of women in conditions where political crises and restrictions on information have further obscured the true scale of violations of their rights.
Iran’s regime has once again exploited the atmosphere of tension and war crisis it has imposed on the Iranian people to intensify domestic repression. While public attention was partly focused on regional developments and war, security apparatuses systematically expanded the scope of control and suppression inside the country.
Iran Intensifies Pressure on Families of PMOI Prisoners Amid Expanding CrackdownField reports indicate that a wave of daily arrests, including among women and young girls, has been underway. These arrests are often carried out under vague security charges and without transparent judicial procedures. In many cases, these women and girls are arrested together with their husbands or other family members. These arrests are part of a deliberate policy to create fear and intimidation and to prevent the formation of an uprising. On April 19, 2026, Ahmadreza Radan, the commander-in-chief of the regime’s State Security Forces, announced in a televised interview the arrest of 1,800 people. Of this number, 700 were detained for activity on social media networks. (Fars News Agency, April 19, 2026, a state-run Iranian news agency) He did not specify the timeframe of these arrests, but it is believed they occurred either since the beginning of the war or after the January uprising. Iran’s judiciary system typically justifies these arrests under charges such as collaboration with the enemy, moharebeh (enmity against God, an accusation that can carry the death penalty), or propaganda against the system, framing them as national security cases. Due to widespread internet shutdowns or severe restrictions and tight control over information flow, exact arrest figures are not available; however, estimates indicate the arrest and imprisonment of many women and girls. Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, speaker of the Iranian regime’s parliament, in this regard urged government forces, saying: “Do not abandon the street choke point.” (Tasnim News Agency, March 30, 2026, a media outlet close to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) Media outlets close to security institutions have also emphasized the importance of continuous street presence by forces to control protests. Meanwhile, the National Council of Resistance of Iran announced in a statement that during nationwide protests from December 28, 2025 to January 14, 2026, more than 50,000 people were arrested. Among them are a significant number of women, youth, and students, many of whom have been forcibly disappeared and are now under torture and facing unfair trials and death sentences. So far, nine detained protesters from the Dey (January) uprising have been executed. Previously, Masoumeh Ebtekar, former head of the Iranian regime’s Vice Presidency for Women and Family Affairs, stated in a note that 77% of those arrested in the January nationwide protests were under 30 years old, including 17% school students and 6% university students. (Etemad newspaper, April 15, 2026, a state-run newspaper)
Execution as a tool of intimidation; women facing death sentences
The death penalty continues to be used as one of the regime’s main tools to create fear and prevent the expansion of social protests. Between March 19 and April 25, 2026, eight political members of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), the regime’s main opposition, and nine young protesters arrested during the January uprising were executed.The Voice They Could Not Silence: Vahid Bani Amerian’s Final TestamentAmong them, dozens of female protesters have either been sentenced to death or are facing severe charges that could lead to execution. Mahboubeh Shabani, 33, from Mashhad, is being held in Vakilabad prison on charges of moharebeh. This charge, which can lead to a death sentence, is related to assisting in transferring injured protesters to medical centers during the January uprising. Fatemeh Abbasi, 34, and the mother of a 13-year-old girl, who was arrested along with her father during the January nationwide protests, was recently transferred to the women’s ward of Evin Prison after weeks of torture and interrogation for forced confessions. Fatemeh has been sentenced to 25 years in prison, and her father, who was sentenced to death, was executed two days ago.
Families are deprived of holding mourning and memorial ceremonies.
These measures indicate a systematic effort to prevent the formation of any justice-seeking movement and social solidarity around the victims. Such behavior not only violates the basic rights of families but also imposes severe emotional and psychological pressure on surviving women, especially mothers.Ali Akbar Daneshvarkar’s Final Letter Offers a Personal Account from Iran’s Death Row
Iran’s regime tries to shut the voice of dissidents through brutal executions. But in the case of Ali Akbar “Shahrokh” Daneshvarkar, the regime utterly failed. In late 2025, after his death sentence was confirmed, Shahrokh sent a lengthy message, tracing his political evolution over decades.
On March 30, 2026, Iranian authorities executed Daneshvarkar alongside Mohammad Taghavi, both members of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK). According to reports surrounding the case, the executions followed months of detention, interrogations, and legal proceedings.
Iranian Political Prisoner Mohammad Abbasi Hanged in Ghezel Hesar PrisonDaneshvarkar’s final message, written after his death sentence was reaffirmed in November 2025, presents itself as both a memoir and a political statement. In the letter, he recounts his childhood, his early support for the Islamic Republic after the 1979 revolution, his gradual disillusionment with the political system, and ultimately his decision to support the PMOI. “I am Shahrokh Daneshvar,” the letter begins. “Born on September 4, 1966, in Tehran. I studied civil engineering at Khajeh Nasir University, and right now, I am under a death sentence.” Throughout the text, Daneshvarkar frames his life as a search for justice and opposition to oppression. He recalls his parents as people who taught him “to be sensitive to oppression and to seek to help others.” He also describes periods spent in rural areas, including villages in Bashagard and near Konarak in Sistan and Baluchestan province. His account moves between personal memories and political turning points. As a young man, he says, he participated in activities associated with the Iranian regime during and after the revolution. He attended mosques and Islamic seminary classes, worked with literacy campaigns, and joined activities connected to the Iran-Iraq war. Yet he describes a growing sense of conflict as he witnessed violence and repression. “That truth-seeking and anti-oppression drive inside me did not allow me to indifferently walk past the slaughter of prisoners,” he wrote. Daneshvarkar says this period led him to question the principle of Velayat-e Faqih, the doctrine of clerical rule that forms the ideological foundation of the Islamic Republic. “What does Velayat-e Faqih mean?” he asked in the letter. “It means I am a sheep and the Supreme Leader must be my shepherd.” The letter also provides insight into the frustrations experienced by some Iranians who once supported reformist politics within the existing political framework. Daneshvarkar describes the election of former president Mohammad Khatami in 1997 as a moment when he believed gradual reform might be possible. “It seemed like a beautiful idea—that with step-by-step reforms, the regime could be reformed,” he wrote. According to his account, that belief eventually collapsed after years of disappointment. He describes reform efforts as a “dead end” and says he ultimately concluded that the political system itself could not be changed from within. Daneshvarkar’s reflections repeatedly return to moments of national unrest, particularly the nationwide protests of December 2017 and November 2019, where security forces killed at least 1,500 civilians. He contrasts those events with the positions of opposition figures outside the regime. In his message, he criticizes Reza Pahlavi for advocating “non-violent struggle” after the 2019 crackdown, arguing that such an approach did not correspond to the level of force used by state authorities. Daneshvarkar writes that by that stage he believed there were few opposition groups openly advocating the overthrow of the government. He says this realization led him toward the PMOI, despite what he describes as years of hearing negative portrayals of the organization. “I had heard so many bad things about the Mojahedin that I was terrified to even get close to them,” he wrote. The letter lists several questions he initially had about the PMOI, including its years in Iraq, its ideological positions, and its internal structure. According to his account, his perception changed after examining speeches and political positions associated with the organization and its leaders, Massoud Rajavi and Maryam Rajavi. Daneshvarkar repeatedly references Maryam Rajavi’s Ten-Point Plan, describing it as a political platform that addressed concerns about freedom and governance. He also highlights statements by Mrs. Rajavi emphasizing commitment to “the freedom of the Iranian people.” One of the recurring themes in the text is Daneshvarkar’s distinction between political movements centered on power and those he viewed as centered on freedom. “Khatami, with his ‘national dialogue,’ is still seeking a share of power with Khamenei,” he wrote. “Reza Pahlavi issued an ‘emergency booklet’ in which he made all appointments and dismissals subject to his own royal opinion.” By contrast, he described the PMOI as focused on “the freedom of the people.” The final sections of the letter take on a more personal and reflective tone. Daneshvarkar describes his political journey as “the path of evolution” and writes that each stage of his life pushed him further toward confrontation with what he saw as oppression. “Every day that passes, I become prouder, more steadfast, and more resolute in the path I have taken,” he wrote. He closes with a declaration that echoes slogans historically used by opponents of both the monarchy and the mullahs’ rule. “Death to the oppressor, be it the Shah or the Supreme Leader,” he wrote. In the final lines of the statement, Daneshvarkar says he would once again “give my life for the freedom” of the Iranian people and vowed to “stand until the end.”
Iranian Political Prisoner Mohammad Abbasi Hanged in Ghezel Hesar Prison
In the early hours of Wednesday, May 13, the judiciary of the Iranian regime executed Mohammad Abbasi, a 55-year-old prisoner arrested during the January uprising, in Ghezel Hesar Prison. Regime officials accused him of participating in the killing of a Law Enforcement Force commander and taking part in nationwide protests.
According to published reports, Mohammad Abbasi was arrested during the January uprising in the Sar Asiab area of Malard. The regime’s judiciary claimed that he was involved in the attack on Shahin Dehghan, a colonel in the regime’s State Security Forces who had played a role in suppressing protests.
Iran’s Regime Ramps Up Execution of Baluch Political Prisoners to Control SocietyAccording to human rights sources, after his arrest, Mohammad Abbasi spent a period in solitary confinement in Ward 209 of Evin Prison under interrogation and pressure. Without access to an independent lawyer, he was sentenced to death by Branch 15 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court, presided over by the notorious judge Abolghasem Salavati. The sentence was later upheld by the regime’s Supreme Court, while his family’s request for a retrial was ignored. It has also been reported that Fatemeh Abbasi, Mohammad Abbasi’s daughter, who was arrested alongside her father, has been sentenced to 25 years in prison and is currently being held in the women’s ward of Evin Prison. In reaction to the execution, Maryam Rajavi, the president-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), stressed that the regime’s daily brutal executions above all reflect its fear of the growing public anger and the prospect of uprising. However, she said, a storm of protest and uprising lies ahead, and the religious fascism ruling Iran cannot escape overthrow. She also called on the United Nations Secretary-General, the UN Human Rights Council, and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to take immediate action to stop executions in Iran.
Iran’s Employment Crisis: The Increase in Unemployment Insurance Registrations
The increase in unemployment insurance applicants reflects the chaotic condition of workers following the warmongering policies of the clerical regime. While officials of the Iranian regime speak of managing wartime conditions, statistics published by state-run media and members of parliament present a very different picture of the labor market. The sudden rise in the number of unemployment insurance applicants, the closure of economic units, and the collapse of online jobs are only part of the consequences of war and economic crisis in Iran. Official reports now indicate that hundreds of thousands of people have registered to receive unemployment insurance, statistics that reveal the depth of recession and the expansion of poverty.
205,000 people register for unemployment insurance
The state-run Eghtesad News website reported on May 12, citing Meysam Zohourian, a member of the regime’s parliament, that since the beginning of the war, around 205,000 people have registered to receive unemployment insurance. Zohourian presented these figures after a meeting with Ahmad Meydari, the regime’s minister of cooperatives, labor, and social welfare.Food Inflation and the Erosion of the Middle Class in Iran’s EconomyHe said that according to the Labor Ministry’s report, some individuals who have lost their jobs may enter the informal sector, but the cost of their unemployment insurance will still remain the government’s responsibility. This issue shows that even regime officials admit to the expansion of informal employment and the collapse of job security. During the same meeting, damage to several companies affiliated with the Labor Ministry was also discussed. Jam Petrochemical Company and the national shipping company were among the enterprises that, according to regime officials, were damaged during the war. These losses have directly reduced the revenues of pension funds and deepened their financial crisis.
Unemployment insurance and the widespread wave of job destruction
At the same time as the increase in demand for unemployment insurance, other reports have also revealed the vast scale of unemployment in the country. Alireza Mahjoub, secretary-general of the Workers’ House labor organization, announced that more than 700,000 jobs have been lost during the war. According to him, around 130,000 people have become directly unemployed, while nearly 600,000 others have lost work indirectly. If each unemployed worker is calculated as supporting at least six family members, the lives of millions of people have consequently been endangered. In other remarks, Mohammadi, deputy minister of cooperatives, labor, and social welfare, reported the destruction of more than one million direct jobs. He also emphasized that in total, around 2 million people are facing direct and indirect unemployment. The discrepancy between these figures is a sign of the economic structure’s disorder and the lack of transparency in official reporting. The increase in applicants comes while the unemployment insurance fund covered only around 180,000 people before the war. Reports now indicate that approximately 750,000 people have been referred to this fund. This massive surge has imposed enormous financial pressure on a fund that has faced budget deficit crises for years.Crisis in the online labor market
The employment crisis has not been limited to factories and industries. The online labor market is also facing an unprecedented wave of unemployment. The JobVision employment platform announced that in just one day, more than 318,000 job applications were registered on the platform. This figure represents an increase of around 50% compared to the pre-war period. Economic experts attribute this situation to prolonged internet shutdowns, reduced startup activity, market recession, and a sharp decline in investment. Many private companies in recent months have either halted operations or laid off part of their workforce.Meanwhile, regime officials continue speaking about “reforming the Social Security Law.” In part of his remarks, Zohourian referred to a proposal under which the average of the entire insurance contribution period would become the basis for retirement pensions. However, this proposal is still under review, and no legislation regarding it has been approved. Many workers and retirees view these promises as a continuation of the regime’s exhausting policies, policies that for years have postponed people’s livelihood crisis through empty promises.Augmentation de 375 % du prix des produits alimentaires en Iran #FreeIran2026 #FreeIran10PointPlan #IranEconomyhttps://t.co/BhQTwIN3Zo
— Iran Focus (@Iran_Focus) May 12, 2026
Unemployment insurance: a symbol of the collapse of people’s livelihoods
The explosive increase in unemployment insurance requests is not merely an economic figure. These statistics directly reflect the collapse of job security, the expansion of poverty, and the inability of the ruling structure to manage the crisis. War, sanctions, systemic corruption, and mismanagement have now placed millions of Iranian families at risk of unemployment and instability. At a time when the regime of velayat-e faqih has proven incapable of offering practical solutions, workers and wage earners are paying the highest price for the political and economic crises. The long unemployment insurance lines have today become one of the clearest signs of the Iranian regime’s economic deadlock.Message from a Political Prisoner Inside Iran’s Prisons
Imprisoned student Amirhossein Moradi, responding to an offer by the Iranian regime’s judiciary to grant him a pardon, declared that he does not want their disgraceful pardon. According to reports, during the past three weeks, elite imprisoned student Amirhossein Moradi was repeatedly summoned to the office of Evin Prison to receive an official notice, but the political prisoner refused to appear and accept it. According to received reports, following rumors about the possibility of Moradi’s release under the title of a pardon, he reacted by publishing a letter. It should be noted that two elite students from Sharif University of Technology, Amirhossein Moradi and Ali Younesi, were each sentenced to 16 years in prison on charges of supporting the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK).
Full text of Amirhossein Moradi’s letter
In response to the letter from the judiciary of massacre and repression claiming a pardon for the remainder of my sentence: The smiling faces of my dearest friends (Vahid, Pouya, Babak, Mohammad, Shahrokh, and Abolhassan) at the moment of their separation and transfer from Evin Prison to the execution site of Ghezel Hesar Prison—who until the final moment of their lives never surrendered in humiliation before your vile government—remain before my eyes, and I think of their mothers and fathers. As I clearly stated in September 2024, I now repeat again that I neither asked for nor want your disgraceful pardon. In response to the bloody killings of December-January protests and the recent criminal executions, it is certainly we, the oppressed people of Iran, who are in the position to forgive you. But be certain that we neither forgive nor forget. Until the people of Iran are freed from you, I will not even think about my own release from prison, nor will I beg it from you. Amirhossein Moradi May 12, 2026Record Number of Imprisoned Writers Worldwide. Iran Ranks Second with 53 Jailed Writers
PEN America announced in its latest annual report on the state of freedom of expression worldwide that the number of imprisoned writers in 2025 has surpassed 400 for the first time since the index began publication in 2019.
The report also highlights a significant increase in the arrest of writers and cultural activists in Iran.
The report, published on Tuesday, May 12, states that in 2025 a total of 401 writers were imprisoned in 44 countries, compared to 375 writers in 40 countries the previous year.
PEN America emphasized in its Freedom to Write Index that over the past seven years, the number of imprisoned writers worldwide has increased by 68%, reflecting the continued intensification of repression against freedom of expression and the silencing of critical voices in various countries.
Increasing Pressure on Female Political Prisoners in Iran’s Evin PrisonAccording to the report, China remains the world’s largest jailer of writers with 119 cases, ranking first on the list. Iran ranks second with 53 imprisoned writers, and according to PEN America, the sharpest increase in arrests over the past year occurred in Iran. The organization says officials of the Iranian regime carried out at least 17 new arrests in 2025, bringing the number of imprisoned writers close once again to the levels seen during the nationwide protests of 2022. Karin Deutsch Karlekar, director of PEN America’s Writers at Risk program, said Iranian regime authorities have launched an especially brutal campaign against independent voices compared to other countries around the world. She added that poets, translators, researchers, songwriters, online commentators, human rights defenders, and columnists have all been targeted for arrest and repression because Iran’s regime is attempting to silence debate and dissent. The report states that the latest wave of repression in Iran intensified following the 12-day war between Iran’s regime and Israel in June 2025, targeting not only well-known critics but also groups of researchers and translators. PEN America also referred to the re-arrest of Narges Mohammadi, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and Sepideh Gholian, who according to the organization were violently arrested during a memorial ceremony in November of last year. Another section of the report notes that Iran was one of three countries simultaneously engaged in war while also ranking among the top 10 jailers of writers. PEN America says that in all three countries, writers who expressed anti-war views in their works, writings, or public statements were targeted with arrests and prosecution. Karin Deutsch Karlekar concluded the report by warning that attacks on writers are not limited to one individual or one country but rather represent a broader threat against freedom of thought, creativity, and the right to dissent worldwide.
