“Iranian society’s sensitivity to the U.S. election could be the result of a profound subversive transformation that may lead to any unpleasant action. These conditions can ultimately warn it against any logical action in crises,” wrote Ebtekar daily on November 4.
In passing through virtual web pages and social networks and reviewing the Iranian media abroad as well as the state media, most of the content of Iranians inside and outside the country shows attention to political and trade union issues about the ayatollahs’ rule and the critical situation in Iran under the dominance of this dictatorship.
Iranian officials and some government-linked media outlets have repeatedly expressed their fear of the reaction of social networks to the establishment’s political and economic crimes in recent months.
What is the reality of this assessment of the remarkable feature of Iran’s society and the hysterical reactions of the government to it?
Before addressing the various aspects of such coordinates about Iran’s society and its relation with this government, it should be noted that in the societies under the dominance of a dictatorship, the political rule is struggling to intervene and prevent the people from becoming politicized, and it is using any apparatus like psychological or religious propaganda.
In societies where people react to newspapers and news about the performance of governments, there are two possible reactions from governments:
One is to pay the price for democracy and accept the criticism of the people, and the other is to exercise absolute political and religious tyranny.
In the meantime, the characteristic of the Islamic Republic from the very beginning of domination has been to establish the absolute rule of the supreme leader, or as it is called by the government, the Guardianship of Islamic Jourist [Velayat-e-Faghih]. Political and religious absolutism with two complementary characteristics:
- Everyone should submit to this Velayat-e-Faghih and say yes and must be in pact with him.
- No voice, activity, or presence opposed to this absolutism is tolerated and is considered as rebellion and opposition to the representative of God and Islam.
In the last 41 years, these two qualities have been complementary to each other, which have transcended the clerical system beyond the definitions of well-known dictatorships and made it the perpetrator of the most unbridled crimes.
Therefore, this government, with its military arms and so-called ideological arms, has gone to the most private thoughts, actions, and words of the Iranian people, and its policy has always been to dominate different sections of Iranian society to its absolute rule, from experts, scientists, artists to athletes and writers.
This feature, which the state media refers to as the ‘politicization of Iranian society,’ is the result of these two complementary traits in this system.
But this is not the whole story. It remains to be seen how the invasion of privacy and human rights, with the most unbridled crimes committed by the ayatollahs’ rule, will lead to a political and social approach in Iran.
This reaction is a clear feature of the public outcry and politicization of Iranian society against the system of Velayat-e-Faqih.
With the politicization of Iranian society, the clerical government is now suffering from punishment. The effects of all encroachments on the affairs of personal life, as well as the violation of the limits of individual and social freedoms, have accumulated in the public memory and have turned into public hatred against the Velayat-e-Faqih system.
Now this politicized society, in the process of uniting with the necessity of freedom, has demanded the overthrow of the clerical rule. In domestic and international political developments, such a society sees the national and historical interests of Iran in the complete rejection of the clerical system. Hence, it monitors the international equations or the balance of power in terms of its distance and proximity to the country’s national interests.
These are the obvious realities in Iranian society that the state-run daily Ebtekar has expressed concern about in its November 4 edition.
