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Iran-Backed Houthis Attack Ship in Red Sea

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A ship navigating the Red Sea reported on Thursday, June 27, that it had been attacked. The location and nature of this attack suggest it is another incident involving the Iranian-backed Yemeni Houthis targeting vessels on international shipping routes.

The private maritime security company “Ambrey,” which first reported the incident, stated that the vessel had called to report the attack from waters near the Yemeni port of Hodeidah, and a warship in the Red Sea had responded to the attack.

No detailed information has been released yet regarding possible casualties or damage to the ship. The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) also confirmed the attack, stating that responsible authorities in the region are investigating the incident.

In the approximately eight months since the Houthis began attacking international shipping routes, more than 60 ships have been targeted by missiles and drones, resulting in the deaths of four sailors.

The group has seized one ship and sunk two others. A coalition of Western countries led by the United States has been attacking Houthi positions in Yemen since January.

The Houthis claim that at least 16 people were killed and 42 were injured in the latest wave of coalition attacks in late May. The group states that their attacks, conducted in support of the Palestinians, will continue until a ceasefire is established in the Gaza Strip.

The Houthis claim they only target vessels linked to Israel, the United States, and the United Kingdom in their attacks. However, many of the attacked ships had no connection to Israel or its military operations in Gaza, and some were destined for Iran.

On June 25, Yahya Saree, the military spokesperson for the Houthis, claimed responsibility for the attack on the bulk carrier “MSC SARAH V,” owned by a Greek company and sailing under the Liberian flag.

On Wednesday, the Houthis also claimed that they had used a new hypersonic ballistic missile in this attack, capable of targeting ships much farther from their controlled areas in Yemen.

Most Houthi attacks have occurred in the Gulf of Aden, but in a few instances, ships farther afield in the Red Sea and the mouth of the Indian Ocean have also been targeted.

At the same time, the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that in their latest attacks on Yemen, they had destroyed a Houthi radar installation.

Another attack occurred in the Gulf of Aden on June 26, suspected to be carried out by the Houthis, but the group has not yet claimed responsibility.

US Imposes New Sanctions on Iran’s Regime Over Nuclear Tensions

The U.S. Secretary of State announced that on Thursday, June 27, the United States imposed new sanctions on the Iranian regime in response to the ongoing escalation of nuclear tensions.

Antony Blinken said in a statement: “Over the past month, Iran has announced steps to further expand its nuclear program in ways that have no credible peaceful purpose.”

“We remain committed to never letting Iran obtain a nuclear weapon, and we are prepared to use all elements of national power to ensure that outcome.” He added.

As per the United States’ decision, three companies based in the United Arab Emirates and 11 associated ships accused of being involved in transporting Iranian regime’s oil or petrochemical products have been sanctioned.

According to the U.S. Department of State, as a result of today’s action, all assets and interests of the sanctioned companies and ships in the United States will be frozen and seized.

Earlier this month, the Group of Seven industrialized nations warned Iran about advancing its nuclear enrichment program and stated that they are prepared to take new measures if Tehran sends ballistic missiles to Russia.

Nasser Kanaani, the spokesperson for the Iranian regime’s Foreign Ministry, reacted to this statement by urging the Group of Seven to distance themselves from what he called “destructive past policies.”

Earlier this month, the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Board of Governors passed a resolution calling on the Iranian regime to increase its cooperation with the agency and lift the recent ban on inspectors.

According to the International Atomic Energy Agency, Tehran is enriching uranium to 60%, close to the 90% required for weapons-grade, and if further enriched, the material at this level would be enough for three nuclear weapons.

Western powers say there is no credible civilian justification for Iran’s increased uranium enrichment.

Tehran claims that its nuclear program is entirely peaceful, but Iranian regime officials have recently stated that if Iran is attacked or its existence threatened by Israel, it may reconsider its “nuclear doctrine.”

Iran’s People Boycott Regime’s Sham Presidential Election

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Iran’s regime held its premature presidential election on June 28 to choose the successor to Ebrahim Raisi, who died in a helicopter crash on May 19. The regime has been campaigning profusely to convince people to vote in the election.

But reports indicate that the people have not paid heed to the regime’s propaganda efforts and are refusing to show up at the polling stations.

In Iran’s early presidential elections, local sources and media reports reveal the regime’s desperate attempts to drum up participation amidst widespread public disillusionment and anger. The elections face a crisis following years of brutally cracking down on legitimate calls for change and a strong public sentiment to boycott the polls.

On Tuesday, June 25, amid election issues and crises following the death of Ebrahim Raisi, Iranian regime supreme leader Ali Khamenei explicitly told presidential candidates and officials involved in the elections, “Anyone who has even a slight disagreement with the system is useless!” Khamenei could not have more clearly expressed his desperation and difficulty in filling the void left by Raisi, who “did not have even a slight disagreement with the system.”

In his speech, Khamenei showed how disheartened he is by the counterproductive results of such debates and arguments, which were both contentious and unremarkable. According to state media and government polls, these have led to a decline in interest in the regime’s sham elections.

All these requests for participation are the flip side of his utmost fear of a mass boycott of the election on June 28. This was a blow that Khamenei suffered in the parliamentary and Assembly of Experts elections on March 1, which inflicted a great defeat on him and his regime at a critical juncture.

In a situation where Iran is facing deep economic and social crises, the election show only shows the deep distance between the government and the people. The fact is that the Iranian regime is suffering from a crisis of legitimacy

Reports from inside Iran so far indicate that the people have widely boycotted the elections on June 28.

 

Concerns about Tehran potentially acquiring a nuclear weapon

According to Axios, quoting three senior Israeli officials, Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime Minister of Israel, reactivated task forces focused on Iran’s nuclear program two weeks ago.

According to the report, this task force comprises members of Israel’s defense establishment, foreign ministry, and intelligence community. They are working under the National Security Council’s direction and a team led by Mossad to scrutinize Iran’s nuclear program, especially its potential weaponization activities.

Axios, quoting an Israeli official, reported that another team led by Israel’s domestic intelligence and security service, Shin Bet, is responsible for preventing Iranian regime infiltration operations in Israeli society, which have increased over the past year.

Two former Israeli officials involved in this process said Netanyahu had not seriously addressed Iran’s nuclear issue since returning to power in December 2022, initially focusing on judicial reforms and later becoming entangled in the Gaza conflict.

Axios wrote, quoting these officials, that some senior former Israeli defense officials close to Netanyahu, having obtained new information about Iran’s nuclear activities in recent months, have expressed their concerns to the Prime Minister and his team, warning against neglecting this issue.

Two other Israeli officials and two American officials told Axios that Israel and the United States are concerned that Iran might intensify its nuclear weaponization efforts in the weeks leading up to the U.S. presidential election.

These officials also believe that Iranian leaders might attempt to use the transitional period after the U.S. elections to achieve a nuclear weapon.

An American official, citing U.S. intelligence community reports, stated that Iran is not yet pursuing a nuclear weapon, but its provocative nuclear activities in recent months have created many challenges.

It is said that Iran’s nuclear program was discussed in recent meetings between Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant in Washington with White House National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, Secretary of State Antony Blinken, and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin.

U.S. President Joe Biden’s administration has repeatedly assured that Iran will “never acquire a nuclear weapon.”

In this context, two teams from the United States and Israel are set to hold a joint meeting in July to discuss Iran and its regime.

“Red Alert” for Oil Investments in Iran

Arash Najafi, head of the Energy Commission of the Iran Chamber of Commerce, reported a “red alert” for oil investments in the country due to the lack of foreign investment.

On Tuesday, June 25, Najafi told ILNA News Agency that no direct investment with its own capital is being made, adding: “All investors, considering their financial capabilities, enter projects through banks. Foreign banks, regardless of the sanctions issue, refrain from investing because Iran is on the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) blacklist.”

Iran’s status concerning the FATF has been raised several times in the debates of presidential candidates of the Iranian regime, with some candidates criticizing Iran’s presence on the blacklist and the prevention of passing laws to join it.

The Iranian Chamber of Commerce official further stated that investors do not enter projects when they cannot obtain the necessary guarantees.

Najafi did not disclose the amount of oil investments, but Ebrahim Raisi’s government has allocated only $3 billion for oil investment this year.

In the first session of the Economic Council chaired by Mohammad Mokhber, the acting president of the Iranian regime, in late May, an “emergency plan” to increase Iran’s daily crude oil production to “4 million barrels” with a $3 billion foreign investment was approved.

According to a report by the Parliament Research Center, annual oil investment in Iran during the 2000s was over $18 billion, but in the early 2010s, this figure dropped to $7 billion and has fallen to $3 billion since 2018.

The last major foreign investment in Iran’s oil sector was related to the South Azadegan field, which the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) signed in 2009. Despite Iran pre-selling the oil produced from the Azadegan field to this Chinese company, the project was abandoned halfway.

The contract was valued at $1.76 billion, and Iran settled the principal and interest owed to the Chinese company by delivering oil produced from this field.

According to reports from the Iranian Ministry of Oil and the U.S. Energy Information Administration, 80% of Iran’s active oil fields are in the second half of their lifecycle, and their production decreases by 8 to 12 percent annually.

Iran needs annual investments of over $20 billion to maintain its oil production levels.

The Iranian regime has temporarily managed to prevent a sharp decline in oil production by drilling more wells, but it faces extensive delays in developing new fields.

The approved $3 billion investment for 2024 comes as the International Energy Agency estimates that $570 billion will be invested in global oil and gas fields this year, which is 9 percent more than last year.

Iran has the second-largest gas reserves and the fourth-largest oil reserves in the world, but its share of global oil investments is only half a percent.

Why Iran’s Governments Can’t Fulfill Their Responsibilities

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Hossein Raghfar, an economist in Iran, in analyzing the campaign slogans of candidates favored by the Guardian Council for succeeding regime president Ebrahim Raisi, highlighted the limitations of the president’s powers in the Iranian constitution. He stated that there are two governments in Iran’s ruling system: one that “has weapons and force” and whose actions affect people’s livelihoods, and another that “has no power.”

In an interview with the website Didban Iran published on June 25, Raghfar pointed to the limitations of “the powers within the president’s authority and the government formed by the cabinet.” Emphasizing the insignificance of appointing Raisi’s successor on the current situation, he said, “Right now, we have two governments. One is very powerful, and it has the resources. The actions it takes have a significant impact on the economy, livelihoods, and people’s lives, and it is accountable to no one. The other government has no resources and is held accountable, even though it lacks the necessary capability to fulfill the responsibilities entrusted to it.”

This economist, speaking about the campaign promises of candidates favored by the Guardian Council for the presidency, emphasized that the slogan of unifying the exchange rate given by the government candidates means “bringing the dollar to 2 million rials.”

This university economics professor also emphasized that the likelihood of restoring public trust in the stock market “is impossible” and “the revival of the stock market under the current economic conditions in the country is not feasible.” He added, “In these 12 years, every year has been named after production, but every year it has gotten worse because we have not adhered to the requirements of domestic production.”

According to him, “Adhering to the requirements of production” means that “banks should serve production, while banks are giving loans for importing cars” because “they are partners in it themselves,” and “their capital turnover happens in these areas” to “compensate for their resource deficits this way.”

Raghfar also added that “the government is in the pockets of powerful institutions” and “a significant part of the country’s economy is under the control of these powerful institutions, and then the government has to be accountable.”

Referring to the current Minister of Education’s statements that “99 percent of the budget” is only “spent on paying salaries,” he added, “A government that does not have the money to manage its own education system” “has no possibility of development at all,” and “the reason is that the country’s resources are spent elsewhere.”

The statements of this economist come as on the eve of the process to appoint Ebrahim Raisi’s successor, the emphasis on the injustice of government officials and the boycott of what critics call the “election circus” have become one of the central slogans in recent livelihood protests in Iran, with protesters saying, “We have not seen justice, we will no longer vote.”

The expansion of protests by various groups, including retirees, workers from different industries, teachers, those who lost their savings, and nurses and healthcare workers, indicates increasing livelihood problems in Iran and the indifference of Iranian regime officials.

Meanwhile, the Iranian regime spends the people’s financial resources on interventions and warmongering throughout the Middle East.

US Sanctions Money-Laundering Network of Iran’s IRGC Ministry of Defense

The United States imposed sanctions on nearly 50 entities and individuals on Tuesday, June 25, who are accused of transferring billions of dollars in favor of the Iranian regime’s armed forces.

According to the U.S. Department of the Treasury website, the department stated in a press release that those sanctioned are part of a “shadow banking network” used by Iran’s Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

Both the Ministry of Defense and the IRGC are under U.S. sanctions.

The U.S. Treasury said that this network helped Iran’s Ministry of Defense and the IRGC access the international financial system and process the equivalent of billions of dollars since 2020.

Wally Adeyemo, the U.S. Deputy Secretary of the Treasury, said in a statement that the United States is taking action against a broad shadow banking system that Iran’s armed forces use to launder billions of dollars in oil revenues and other illicit income.

The US treasury added that those targeted on Tuesday constitute a “shadow banking network” used by Iran’s Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics (MODAFL) and Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), both of which are under U.S. sanctions.

According to Reuters, the U.S. Treasury’s action on Tuesday targeted dozens of front companies in Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Hong Kong, the Marshall Islands, and Iran.

The imposed sanctions block any assets these companies have in the United States and generally prohibit U.S. citizens from doing business with them.

Meanwhile, those who engage in specific transactions with them also risk future sanctions.

Iran: Prisoners Sentenced to “265 Years in Jail and Over 5,000 Lashes” Over Evin Prison Fire Incident

A human rights organization reported that the judiciary of Iran’s regime sentenced the accused in the “Evin Prison fire” case to a total of “265 years” in prison and “over 5,000 lashes.”

The Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) reported on Monday, June 24, that Branch 1148 of the Tehran Criminal Court sentenced 40 defendants in the 2022 Evin Prison fire case to “imprisonment, lashes, and blood money.”

These prisoners, who faced charges following the Evin Prison fire on the night of October 15, 2022, are currently serving sentences related to previous cases in Greater Tehran and Ghezel Hesar prisons.

The fire at Evin Prison occurred amid heightened tensions in the prison in Tehran during the nationwide protests of 2022. During this fire, sounds of gunfire and explosions were heard, resulting in several prisoners being injured and killed.

According to this report, the 40 defendants faced charges including “destruction of property, disrupting prison order, defiance and disobedience of officials’ orders, and manslaughter.” For these charges, they were collectively sentenced to “265 years of imprisonment, 5,032 lashes, blood money, and expulsion from Iran.”

This human rights organization detailed the court verdict from June 18, stating that the defendants “Majid Roshan-Nejad, Loqman Amin-Pour, Meysam Dehban-Zadeh, Sina Mirzaei, Mohammad Sobhan Moazen-Zadeh, Ayoub Emami-Zadeh, Ahmad Reza Kounani, Sasan Zamani, Mohammad Garavand, Saeed Khodapour, and Alireza Vali” were each sentenced for “property destruction” to “six years in prison and 74 lashes,” for “disrupting prison order” to “16 months in prison and 74 lashes,” and for “defiance and disobedience of officials’ orders” to “16 months in prison.”

Additionally, “Mohammad Hossein Moradian, Masoud Hossein-Zadeh, Reza Haji, Nima Mohammadi, Alireza Eslami, Amir Hossein Yusefvand, Meysam Moradian, Sobhan Hayat-Pour, Reza Salman-Zadeh, and Mohammad Hossein Mousavi” were each sentenced to “five years in prison and 74 lashes,” for “destruction of property,” “one year in prison and 74 lashes” for “disrupting prison order,” and “one year in prison.” for “defiance and disobedience of officials’ orders.”

Furthermore, two other defendants in this case, “Nima Mohammadi and Alireza Eslami,” whose citizenship status is not specified in the report, were additionally sentenced to “expulsion from Iran.”

According to a previous HRANA report, the judge rejected the lawyers of these defendants and, during the court session on June 18, expelled Ramin Safarnia, the lawyer who represented several of the defendants, from the courtroom, opting only to accept written defenses from the defendants.

Purmohammadi: “30 Committees” Decided on the 1988 Executions in Iran

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In a recent interview, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, a candidate in the 14th presidential election of the Iranian regime, referred to his role in the execution of political prisoners in the 1980s, calling these executions a “project of the Islamic Republic” and “the regime’s difficult moments.”

Pourmohammadi, one of the main members of the execution committee known as the “Death Committee” in the summer of 1988, emphasized in an online program released on Sunday, June 23, that only those who were members of the People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) and “fought against the people” were given death sentences by various responsible committees.

In the months of August and September 1988, nearly 30,000 political and ideological prisoners, mainly members of the PMOI, were executed in Iranian prisons.

These prisoners were handed over to execution squads by the order of then–regime supreme leader Ruhollah Khomeini and were subsequently buried in mostly unmarked graves in Khavaran Cemetery in southeast Tehran.

Pourmohammadi, who was the representative of the Ministry of Intelligence in Evin Prison at the time, along with Hossein Ali Nayeri (the Sharia judge), Morteza Eshraghi (then Tehran’s prosecutor), and Ebrahim Raisi (then deputy prosecutor and later president of the Iranian regime who was killed in a helicopter crash on May 19, 2024), met with Hossein Ali Montazeri, the then deputy leader of the regime.

According to an audio file released from this meeting, Montazeri referred to the 1988 massacre as a historical crime and said: “In my opinion, the greatest crime committed in the Islamic Republic, from the beginning of the revolution until now, has been carried out by you. In the future, you will be remembered as criminals in history.”

In another part of the interview, Pourmohammadi, referring to the fact that the 1980s were very different from today, claimed: “The people were our supporters, they were of the same mind as us, and in fact, the people’s demands were more radical and they called for harsher sentences.”

He pointed out that during the executions, “30 committees” were active in Iran, each with three to five members, and said that he “was not responsible for this work and was not part of the security team.”

Regarding his involvement and invitation to these committees, he claimed that at that time, he was invited and told to “control things a bit to prevent radicalism.”

Mostafa Pourmohammadi continued: “If the officials of the regime at that time had today’s experiences, they would have made arrangements to significantly reduce the margins of this action.”

However, he emphasized that “decisive and serious action certainly has its consequences.”

This presidential candidate also stated in a television program on June 14 that the PMOI intended to form a “government” after Operation Eternal Light, with the participation of those he called “prisoners and others and their supporters.”

Human rights activists say that the Iranian regime executed these prisoners without any legal process and that they had no new charges in their files. Many of these prisoners had completed their sentences or were serving their terms. However, the Death Committee, in trials lasting a few minutes and with a few questions, directly sent them to the execution squads simply for refusing to disown their support for the PMOI.

Ebrahim Raisi had previously called these executions an act of “defending human rights.” It is worth noting that Pourmohammadi himself has also defended the 1988 massacre on several occasions and has expressed his desire to “settle scores” with the remaining members of the PMOI.

None of the perpetrators and commanders of this massacre were tried. Hamid Nouri, a former deputy prosecutor of Gohardasht Prison, was arrested in Sweden in November 2019 for involvement in the execution of political prisoners in the 1980s and was sentenced to life imprisonment after trial. However, on the evening of Saturday, June 14, Hamid Nouri was welcomed by Iranian officials at Mehrabad Airport in Tehran after being exchanged for Johan Flodros and Saeed Azizi, two Swedish citizens held hostage by Iran’s regime.

Amnesty International also issued a statement on this matter and strongly condemned this action.

The Consequences of High Food Prices in Iran

According to a report by the state-run Donyay-e-Eghtesad website, which also reviews and publishes economic and livelihood statistics, 52% of the minimum wage of a four-person Iranian household in May 2024 was spent on food. A year ago, this share was higher, around 58%.

In both cases, Iranian households spend more than half of their income on food, which, compared to global and even regional averages, indicates the poor state of Iranian wage earners and the overall economy of Iran.

Ernst Engel, a 19th-century German statistician and economist, proposed a theory that has consistently been confirmed in practice: household income and food expenditure have an inverse relationship. As household income increases, the share spent on food decreases, even if more food is consumed. Conversely, the poorer a household, the larger the share of its income spent on food.

John Maynard Keynes referred to Engel’s Law in his theory of the “Marginal Propensity to Consume and Save,” stating that the wealthy always consume a smaller portion of their income and therefore do not significantly increase demand in the macroeconomy (“The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money,” 1936).

Milton Friedman, the 1976 Nobel Prize-winning economist, expanded Engel’s Law with the hypothesis that households consume based on their expected long-term income, rather than their current income (“A Theory of the Consumption Function”). The works of Keynes and Friedman, with two different economic perspectives, along with those of many other economists, show that Engel’s Law regarding the relationship between income and food expenditure is fundamental and insightful for understanding citizens’ consumption behavior and government economic policies.

The cost of food for Iranian households compared to developed and developing countries

In countries with advanced market-based economies, households spend a smaller percentage of their income on food compared to households in developing countries, and as a result, they have more purchasing power for other goods.

Iranian households spend a larger share of their income on food compared to households in other developing countries such as Nigeria and Kenya.

In Middle Eastern countries, the share of household income spent on food ranges from 13% to 20%, whereas in Iran it is over 50%.

Sanctions are not the reason for this backwardness; it is the government’s command economy that has hindered Iran’s growth and development even before the sanctions and from its very inception.

In the past 50 years, the economic growth of most Middle Eastern countries has surpassed that of Iran: Qatar by more than 20 times, Oman by 17 times, Saudi Arabia by 5 times, and even Iraq by nearly 4 times.

Consequences of the high share of food in Iranian household expenses

With more than 50% of their income spent on food, Iranian households are forced to buy and consume less or cheaper, lower-quality food; for instance, the share of many foods such as meat and dairy products on Iranian tables has decreased.

The Statistical Center of Iran provided a report on food expenses, estimating that the “food basket” of Iranian households provides 1,930 kilocalories, whereas the necessary amount is 2,500 kilocalories. The increasing share of food expenses prevents Iranian households from optimally meeting other living needs such as housing, healthcare, and education.

Malnutrition particularly impacts the physical and cognitive development of children severely. School dropout rates among children also add to their malnutrition issues. According to the Majlis Research Center, one-third of students have been forced to drop out of school.

The outlook is also bleak. Food prices continue to rise, further burdening Iranian household expenses. During Ebrahim Raisi’s two and a half years in office, the inflation rate has consistently been above 30% and often over 40%.

In May 2024, the Statistical Center of Iran estimated the monthly, not annual, growth rate of onion prices at around 30%, and Tejarat News newspaper reported that the price of onions increased by 1,233% during Ebrahim Raisi’s presidency.

Iranians have repeatedly taken to the streets in protest against rising food prices since the Qajar era, a hundred years ago.

During the Islamic Republic era, people have also frequently taken to the streets to protest high prices; for example, in January 2018, during Hassan Rouhani’s presidency, there were protests in various cities in Iran against rising prices, which were suppressed.

The November 2019 protests were also rooted in rising gasoline prices and were severely suppressed. In May 2022, during Ebrahim Raisi’s presidency, people took to the streets and stores in protest against the Market Regulation Headquarters’ announcement about the price increases of chicken, eggs, and dairy products for “price adjustment and alignment.”

In any case, since there is no prospect of reducing inflation and the share of food expenses, it is not unlikely that high prices will once again drive people to the streets.