Javad Tajik, the head of Behesht-e Zahra Organization, the authority overseeing Tehran’s largest cemetery—officially acknowledged for the first time at a press conference the presence of coup de grâce gunshot wounds on the bodies of those injured during the January 2026 protests. However, he blamed the crime on “terrorists.” He said: “Certainly terrorists and those who were armed delivered coup de grâce shots to the people and to more than 70% of the bodies; the terrorists fired.”

The IRGC is Trying to Wipe Traces of its Crimes During Nationwide Protests

This unusual claim comes despite numerous accounts from eyewitnesses, bereaved families, and forensic reports indicating that coup de grâce shots were fired directly at the heads and chests of the wounded by security forces and the Basij militia, a paramilitary force under the Iranian regime, to ensure that no witnesses remained alive. The high rate of coup de grâce wounds—reported in more than 70% of the bodies—itself points to the systematic nature of this crime, rather than the actions of “unknown terrorists.”

There are still no precise statistics on the number of children detained. The justice minister of the Iranian regime has stated that a number of teenagers aged 16 to 18 are being held in juvenile detention and rehabilitation centers. However, received reports indicate that many of these children and teenagers have been held in Tehran Greater Prison (Fashafouyeh), Amol Prison, Vakilabad Prison in Mashhad, as well as in secret detention centers in Kerman and Mashhad—facilities where, according to accounts, they have been subjected to various forms of physical and psychological torture and abuse. The families of some of these teenagers have still not been able to secure lawyers for their children and are deeply concerned about their condition.

Iran’s Regime Increases Student Suppression with Body Searches in Schools

Held in general crime wards and risk of assault

Some reports from inside Fashafouyeh Prison and Amol Prison indicate that detained children are being held in wards designated for ordinary crimes. According to informed sources, in some halls overcrowding is so severe that it is impossible to ensure the protection of these children. Some prisoners have also spoken about the risk of sexual assault and abuse against these children; an issue about which prison officials have reportedly been informed, yet no action has been taken to prevent it. According to the account of a non-political prisoner from Fashafouyeh Prison, between January 10 and February 4 the number of children in the ward had increased to such an extent that, unfortunately, some inmates convicted of violent crimes sexually abused these children, while prison authorities practically took no action to protect them.

Release on heavy bail and signing unknown documents

In Amol Prison, the number of detained children during the first two weeks was reportedly so high that, according to visitors, on one day in early February, after the prison gates were opened, around 20 to 25 children aged 13 to 16 were handed over to their families in disheveled and poor condition. According to the families, all of these children were required to sign documents before their release, the contents of which were unknown to them. Only after signing these papers were they freed on bail amounts ranging from several hundred million tomans to one billion tomans—equivalent to several billion to 10 billion rials (approximately 62,500 U.S. dollars).

Lack of information about the detainees’ condition

A lawyer in Kerman Province, expressing concern about the situation of detained children, said: “We practically do not have much information, unless a family comes forward.” According to him, some families have been advised to file missing person reports. The father of a 17-year-old teenager who was recently released approached this lawyer to follow up on his son’s legal status. He said the teenager had been beaten repeatedly, had two broken ribs, and had dislocated fingers. According to him, his son is severely distressed and recounted: “They sat us in a room without windows and urinated on us. They kept mocking us and laughing loudly at us. I think they kept us there like that for several days. Then they brought a hose and sprayed us with ice-cold water at high pressure.” The lawyer emphasized that families are under pressure and that informing the public under such circumstances is of great importance. In another case, according to the father of one of the detained children in Amol, officials told him: “You were given the chance to raise your child; now we will make them into proper people ourselves.”

Accounts of unofficial detention centers in Mashhad

The issue of detaining and abusing children has previously drawn the attention of human rights organizations. During the nationwide protests of 2022, Human Rights Watch reported that Iranian security forces, in suppressing the protests, had killed, tortured, and in some cases subjected children to sexual assault and enforced disappearance.

Iran’s Solution: Foreign War or Popular Uprising?

A relative of the family of a 16-year-old teenager in Mashhad said that for two weeks there was no information about the child’s condition. The family was initially told that he was in a juvenile detention center, but follow-ups yielded no results. A financial crimes prisoner who was recently released from Vakilabad Prison contacted the family and said that the child had been held for some time in an unofficial detention center and, prior to his release, had been transferred to a general crimes ward. According to this source, cigarette burn marks were clearly visible on the teenager’s wrist and arm, and he had difficulty walking. The teenager has not provided many details about what happened to him, but his family suspects that he may also have been sexually abused. According to this former financial prisoner, the child was told: “You will not see your family again, and we will throw your corpse away.” He was also forced to sign a document which, according to him, was required in order to stop the torture.

While Western foreign policy toward Iran has for decades oscillated between two poles—war and appeasement—today a louder voice has risen from within Iranian society, declaring: no foreign war, no negotiations with the regime! This third option—organized popular uprising and internal resistance—is not an emotional slogan but a political analysis rooted in Iran’s contemporary history and the realities on the streets.

The Bankruptcy of the Iranian Regime’s Negotiation Strategy

Iran’s regime is negotiating with the United States, but not from a position of strength—rather out of desperation. The Trump administration has drawn clear red lines: preventing Iran’s regime from acquiring nuclear weapons and curbing its missile program. Officials of the Iranian regime are attempting to buy time through media propaganda. In an attempt to escape its deep internal legitimacy crisis, the regime has turned to negotiations, but the United States is no longer willing to tolerate delay tactics. U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance has explicitly stated that “we cannot sit at the table with someone who makes the final decision,” directly referring to Ali Khamenei, the regime’s supreme leader. Iran’s regime does not even know what it seeks from these talks; it only knows that prolonging the process works against it. The outcome of any negotiations in Geneva or elsewhere will not resolve the regime’s internal crisis. This is precisely where the third option comes into play: overthrow from within, not bargaining from outside.

The United States and Pressure for Comprehensive Accountability

Within the United States, the balance of power has also shifted. Senators from both parties, in a direct letter to President Trump, have warned that it is not enough to focus solely on the nuclear issue while ignoring crimes against humanity committed in Iran’s streets. Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio have repeatedly stated that if a nuclear deal is possible, they will pursue it, but their policy framework is “peace through strength.” At the same time, they are tightening the military ring in the region. However, American public opinion no longer has the appetite for another war aimed at regime change. The experiences of Iraq and Afghanistan have shown that bombs and missiles do not bring democracy; they bring destruction and either puppet governments or new dictatorships. The people of Iran understand this reality better than any Western analyst. Street slogans—”death to Khamenei,” “death to the dictator,” “no to shah no to mullahs”—are the clear cry of a nation declaring: do not entrust our fate to foreigners. Even recent proposals by the son of the former Shah inviting foreign military intervention have been met with deep public distrust, because Iran’s past 120 years are filled with interventions that delivered new forms of tyranny instead of freedom. The 1953 coup against the government of Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh is one such example. Former US Secretary of States Condoleezza Rice and Hillary Clinton later acknowledged and expressed regret for that coup. A foreign war would not only fail to overthrow the regime but could give it renewed life. Contemporary history has shown that foreign military intervention in Iran has either produced a puppet government or led to an even harsher dictatorship.

The Consequences of Foreign War on Popular Uprising

If Western governments are truly seeking a wise policy, they should look to Iran’s streets. Youth, women, and various ethnic communities, chanting peace, freedom, equality, and death to the oppressor—be it Shah or Supreme Leader—have demonstrated that both dictatorships, monarchy and clerical rule, are permanently rejected. Recognizing the legitimate right of the people to overthrow the regime is what the experiences of Eastern Europe and South Africa have taught us. When internal resistance was recognized, foreign policy also shifted in favor of the people.

The Third Option: The Historical Legitimacy of Uprising and Organized Resistance

The third option is the most credible because it is rooted in the blood of the people. It is embodied in the quest for justice by grieving families, in messages from political prisoners, and in organized resistance. National solidarity at demonstrations in Berlin—where Kurds, Lors, Turks, Arabs, and Baluch stood together chanting “Free Iran”—is evidence of this reality. In contrast, any demonstration marked by insults and clashes reflects not genuine resistance but the same old binary of appeasement or war. https://www.maryam-rajavi.com/en/viewpoints/regime-change-in-iran/

Designation of the IRGC and the Global Necessity of Recognizing the Right to Resistance

When the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has been placed on terrorist lists in the United States and parts of Europe, and the regime’s institutions are widely recognized as components of a repressive apparatus, there remains no justification for silence. The international community cannot remain indifferent to the repression carried out by a regime identified with terrorism and crimes against humanity. Recognizing the organized resistance of the Iranian people is the only moral and realistic policy. The Iranian regime can no longer hide behind diplomacy.

EU Designates IRGC as Terrorist Organization Amid Escalating Repression in Iran

Iran’s regime stands at the threshold of overthrow and in a state of complete strategic deadlock. Its negotiations are futile, foreign war would be disastrous for the people, and the only remaining path is organized uprising and internal resistance. The third option is not a wish, but a historical reality. The time has come for the world to align not with the regime, but with the people of Iran.

Teachers’ trade associations have called for a public “mourning” and “strike” today, Wednesday, February 18, in protest against the killing of more than 230 students. Many human rights organizations and independent media outlets had previously reported on the killing of children during the nationwide protests in January. However, the repression of students has not ended in the streets.

Interrogation and Creating Fear in Iran’s Schools

So far, two sessions titled “Basirat Afzayi” (an ideological term meaning “enhancing insight,” commonly used by the Iranian regime for political indoctrination programs) have been held at Homami High School in Mashhad, a major city in northeastern Iran. Attendance at these sessions has been mandatory for all upper secondary students. Reports indicate that these sessions are held in the school’s prayer hall and are attended by school staff, including the principal and disciplinary supervisor, as well as several female and male agents.

The IRGC is Trying to Wipe Traces of its Crimes During Nationwide Protests

One of these sessions began with the question: Who killed citizens in the streets? After that, videos containing violent images from the nationwide protests of January 2026 were shown. During the screening, one of the men present attempted to convince the students that all acts of violence had been carried out by agents of Israel and the United States or by spies. After nearly half an hour of footage showing scenes of protesters being killed, government buildings set on fire, and images of half-burned books, one of the women present began speaking. Claiming she had been sent by the Ministry of Education to answer students’ questions, she attempted to prompt students to speak by asking questions such as, “Why are America and Israel hostile toward Iran?” and “The regime had accepted livelihood protests, so why would it kill protesters?” In another part of the session, claims were made about conditions in Iran before the 1979 revolution, particularly regarding living standards and the status of women. The female speaker cited examples such as “an increase in the number of female university students,” “women’s presence in universities and certain professions,” and “women’s activity in the fields of medicine and education” as achievements of the revolution. At the end of the session, students were asked to report any classmates who had participated in protests or posted content on social media aligned with the policies of the United States and Israel, so that they or school authorities could “help” them. Some students at this school stopped attending classes the day after the first “Basirat Afzayi” session. However, school officials contacted their parents and threatened that if the absences continued, their children would be barred from taking exams. The second “Basirat Afzayi” session was held on February 12. During this session, images were also shown of missile strikes on Tajrish Square and Evin Prison in Tehran during the 12-day war last June. Students were encouraged to attend the February 13 rally marking the anniversary of the 1979 revolution with their families—an action described as “preventing war.”

From Body Searches to Inspection of Mobile Phones

Following the bloody crackdown on January 8 and 9, for several consecutive days, male students in boys’ schools in Karaj, a city west of Tehran, were subjected to body searches by individuals other than school staff. Students at Rajaei Boys’ Technical and Vocational School were searched at least three times, on January 13, 18, and 26. During the first instance, the school’s disciplinary supervisor took students to an empty classroom. There, they were physically inspected for pellet wounds or bruises that might indicate participation in protests. During the second search, conducted on January 18, the inspection went beyond physical searches and extended to examining students’ mobile phones. At this stage, in addition to the school’s disciplinary supervisor, at least two men described by students as “strangers” and “not part of the school staff” were present. Students were told to hand over their mobile phones. In this inspection, students’ mobile phones were checked for images and videos of the protests, “membership in Telegram channels,” “use of VPNs,” and messages or posts related to January 2026. At Beheshti Boys’ High School in Karaj, several students were summoned to the principal’s office and questioned about their social media activity, following news pages, and communication with other students. At this school, students were told: “We know who was where. It is better for you to cooperate.” At this school, in the early days of February, some students were directed to a room next to the office upon entering the school. There, in the presence of individuals who were not part of the school staff, they were subjected to body searches, and their phones and bags were inspected. At that school, carrying items such as bandages and adhesive plasters has been considered “tools of unrest.” Some students were also asked to sign a written pledge, without their parents present, accepting responsibility for any protest activities outside the school.

While the full dimensions of the repression of Iran’s nationwide uprising, a crime of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), have yet to be fully clarified and the number of those killed in the January 2026 uprising continues to rise each day, CNN revealed a shocking account in a recent interview. The interview was broadcast on February 12. Its main focus was a raid by security forces on the home of an Iranian photojournalist. She has documented protests and scenes of repression for years. She now says that agents stormed her apartment and confiscated all her equipment. Many view this action as part of the IRGC’s effort to destroy evidence. The photojournalist, introduced as Yalda, stated that agents entered her home at dawn. She said she was asleep at the time of the raid. The forces took all her cameras and her 25-year archive of photographs. She emphasized that she feels no sense of security. Anxiety and fear of arrest now cast a heavy shadow over her life. The raid occurred at a time when her images are considered part of the visual memory of the protests. Eliminating these documents could help conceal the IRGC’s crimes.

The Fortieth Day Commemorations of the Martyrs of Iran’s Uprising

The IRGC’s crime in the streets; an eyewitness account

In the interview, Yalda described scenes she had never witnessed in her 25 years of professional work. She spoke of hundreds and thousands of people in the streets. Families, along with children and the elderly, participated in the protests. People chanted slogans and blocked streets. Drivers showed support by honking their horns. According to her, security forces fired large quantities of tear gas and stun grenades. She said it seemed as though there was one tear gas canister for each person. Despite the repression, people repeatedly returned. Some protesters set a police vehicle on fire. Buildings affiliated with the government became targets of public anger. Yalda emphasized that shots were fired at people from the rooftop of a building belonging to the Basij, a paramilitary force subordinate to the IRGC. Snipers were positioned on top of the building. This account presents a direct image of the crimes committed by the IRGC and its affiliated forces. Firing from an elevated position at protesters indicated a premeditated decision.

The IRGC’s crime and family mourning

The photojournalist was not merely an external observer. One of her relatives was also killed during the protests. She said security forces shot and killed him. The family searched for nearly one week to find his body. According to her, the number of corpses was so high that the location of many of them was unknown. Images of funeral ceremonies were also part of her documentation. Yalda said she hardly knows any family that is not in mourning. According to her, everyone is grieving. This account shows that the IRGC’s crime did not remain confined to the streets. It penetrated into homes. In another part of the interview, she was asked which image she most wanted to share with the world. She spoke of a photograph of a girl standing in front of a police vehicle, making a victory sign. For her, this image symbolized hope—hope that came under fire during the crackdown. Yalda described the current state of society as the saddest time in our history. She said that in her 44 years of life, she had never experienced such despair. People ask one another what should be done. This question is repeated in small and large gatherings alike. At the end of the interview, the host referred to an apology by Masoud Pezeshkian, the president of the Iranian regime. Yalda considered the apology meaningless. She said people know that the main decision-maker lies elsewhere—namely Ali Khamenei. These remarks reflect a widespread public view of the power structure in Iran, a structure that bears responsibility for the IRGC’s crimes. This interview stands as a living document of efforts to erase the traces of bloodshed. Nevertheless, the reality of the crimes of the IRGC, designated as a terrorist organization by the United States, remains etched in the public memory. The widespread repression, snipers, and large numbers of those killed reveal the true face of a structure that sees its survival in the elimination of truth.

As the fortieth day of the martyrs of the January 2026 uprising approached, various cities across Iran became the scene of ceremonies that in many cases went beyond traditional mourning rituals and turned into open displays of protest, solidarity, and renewed commitment to the path of those who lost their lives.

Nurabad Mamasani; protest chants

In Nurabad Mamasani, located in Fars province, the fortieth day ceremony was accompanied by explicit slogans against the ruling establishment. Participants chanted “Death to Khamenei,” referring to regime supreme leader Ali Khamenei, “I will kill the one who killed my brother,” and “We swear by Arman’s blood, we will stand until the end,” emphasizing their determination to continue the path of the martyrs. In this city, the memorial for Arman Gorjian, a 19-year-old young man, had a special prominence. His family engraved the name “Arman Iran” on his gravestone.

Iran’s Regime Continues to Cover Up Information About Unidentified Bodies of Women Killed in Protests

Kazerun and Kuhchenar in Fars province; flower-strewn graves

In Kazerun, the fortieth day ceremony for martyrs Iman Mirshokari and Behnam Enayat was held with the participation of local residents. The slogan “This fallen flower has become a gift to the homeland” shaped the atmosphere of the ceremony; a chant that has become a symbol of many such commemorations. In Kuhchenar, also in Fars province, the site where two martyrs of the uprising, Reza Shahrivar and Arian Keshkouli, were killed was covered with flowers. This symbolic act, carried out in the presence of local residents, simultaneously conveyed respect and protest.

Karaj; a farewell with song and collective singing

In the Hesar district of Karaj, near Tehran, the burial of Mohammad Hossein Jamshidi had a different atmosphere. Mourning here was expressed not in silence but in collective singing; an approach that in recent months has become a symbol of protest mourning.

Babol; Shayan’s moving words for his father, Hassan Samakoosh

In Babol, in northern Iran’s Mazandaran province, the fortieth day ceremony for Hassan Samakoosh included a speech by his son, Shayan. In a powerful statement, he said, “We are Iranian for what we build, not for what we have lost.” His account of the moment his father lost his life, likening it to a star attaching itself to the ceiling of the sky, deeply moved those present. At the end, the crowd collectively sang “Ey Iran,” a well-known patriotic anthem, to honor his memory.

Arak; martyr Ermia Fazli

In Arak, the fortieth day ceremony for martyr Ermia Fazli took place despite reported arrests at the cemetery entrance by security forces. People gathered at his gravesite. Ermia’s mother spoke with words filled with longing for her son, and the ceremony was held with music and a large turnout of attendees.

Masjed Soleyman and Isfahan; remembering Mehran Niayesh and Mohammad Javad Khalili Ardeli

In Masjed Soleyman, the fortieth day ceremony was held for martyr Mehran Niayesh, a 33-year-old man who died after being arrested in Baharestan, a city in Isfahan province. In Isfahan, the fortieth day ceremony for martyr Mohammad Javad Khalili Ardeli was accompanied by the traditional “Kotal” ritual, in which a black-draped horse carrying a rifle on its saddle is led in procession.

Malekshahi in Ilam province; a symbolic wedding at the gravesite

In Malekshahi, in Ilam province, the fortieth day ceremony for martyr Mohammad Reza Karami, a 16-year-old teenager, was marked by holding a “symbolic wedding” at his gravesite. His family resisted pressures aimed at altering the description of how their son lost his life.

Gorgan; white doves for Reza Asadi

In Gorgan, the fortieth day ceremony for uprising martyr Reza Asadi, a 30-year-old man, was held with the singing of “Ey Iran” and the release of white doves. His brother spoke in a message about continuing his path, and the crowd joined together in chanting, “This fallen flower has become a gift to the homeland.”

Tehran; farewell to a national athlete

In Tehran, the fortieth day ceremony was held for martyr Ali Mohammad Kordkazemi, a 22-year-old basketball player for the Oghab Ashur team. He lost his life at Kaj Square in the Saadat Abad district of the capital.

Genaveh; preparations for Karim Heydari’s ceremony

In the port city of Genaveh in Bushehr province, on the occasion of the fortieth day of martyr Karim Heydari, a 31-year-old father of a three-year-old child, a heavy presence of Basij paramilitary forces, affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), was reported. He had joined protesters while returning home in his work clothes and was shot. His body was handed over to his family after one week. His ceremony is scheduled to be held on Tuesday, but security forces, with a large presence around the family home, are reportedly seeking to prevent it. In the village of Badkhoreh in Asadabad, Hamadan province, the fortieth day ceremony for martyr Nima Najafi, 19 years old, was held. Separate ceremonies were also held for martyrs Alireza Kharpour, Ali Salehpour, and other martyrs of the uprising, in which written messages by sisters and family members formed an important part of the collective memory of this movement.

According to published reports, the bodies of 50 women killed in Iran’s January uprising remain unidentified at the Kahrizak Forensic Medicine Center, located south of Tehran. This issue has been raised while the regime’s Forensic Medicine Organization and judiciary have officially denied the existence of “50 unidentified bodies of female protesters from Tehran.” In its statement, the Forensic Medicine Organization claimed that only seven unidentified bodies are held at the center, all of them male, and that all deceased women have been identified and handed over to their families. The statement described the report about 50 unidentified bodies as “completely unreal and an absolute lie,” and also denied that any visit to the facility had taken place by the Sociology Association of Tarbiat Modares University, a major public university in Tehran.

International Figures Gather in Berlin to Discuss Iran Protests and NCRI’s Ten-Point Plan

However, remarks by a member of the regime’s Majlis (parliament) present a different picture. Mohammad Seraj, a member of the Majlis Social Commission, referring to the existence of unidentified bodies, stated: “Some bodies have not been identified; no one has come forward to follow up on them, and they did not have identification documents with them. Therefore, we must take various approaches to identify them.” This clear contradiction between the official denial by government bodies and the statements of a parliament member once again highlights the regime’s efforts to control the real number of those killed and to conceal the scope of the uprising’s repression. Such inconsistencies show that the reality regarding the number and status of the victims’ bodies remains shrouded in ambiguity. The dimensions of the January crime are not limited to the death toll. The widespread repression of protesters, mass arrests, pressure and threats against families to remain silent, prevention of memorial ceremonies, and efforts to conceal the true number of those killed are part of an organized policy implemented to instill fear and prevent the expansion of the uprising.