Fresh Wave of Disciplinary Actions at Sharif University: 10 Students Face Expulsion

Sharif University of Technology has once again become the focus of disciplinary actions and student expulsions. According to the published report, the university’s disciplinary committee has issued preliminary expulsion rulings against three more students. With these rulings, the number of students who have received expulsion orders at Sharif University has reached 10. According to reports published by state-run media, the number of student expulsions may continue to increase. Ariana Kouchaki, a 2021 undergraduate Industrial Engineering student, Ali Alirezaei, a 2023 undergraduate Mathematical Sciences student, and Arash Hatami, a 2023 undergraduate Physics student, are the three students who have recently faced disciplinary rulings.
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According to the published information, Ariana Kouchaki and Arash Hatami have each been banned from studying at all universities across the country for one year. The disciplinary committee has also imposed a five-year nationwide study ban on Ali Alirezaei. These rulings are still at the preliminary stage, and legally they can be appealed. However, an expulsion order can have severe consequences for a student’s academic path and future career. For this reason, the right to a defense and a fair review process are fundamentally important in such cases.

Student Expulsions and the Expansion of Disciplinary Measures

Before these latest rulings, seven other Sharif University students had also received expulsion orders. Among these cases, Reza Dalman’s ruling has become final. According to the available information, the remaining rulings are still at the preliminary stage. The state-run Mehr News Agency also reported on August 16 that another Sharif University student had been served with an expulsion order. These reports indicate that disciplinary actions against students are not limited to a single case or a specific period. In a report published on June 20, the state-run Fars News Agency linked the expulsion rulings to cases involving gatherings, slogans, social media posts, and accusations such as acting against national security. The same report named Sepanta Saeidi, Hossein Shadman, Masiha Bagheri, Fatemeh Khakpour, Fariborz Kohanzad, and Parnian Khodabakhshi. Some of these rulings include not only expulsion but also multi-year bans on continuing their education. According to Fars’s account, the cases of three of these students were primarily related to activity and content published on social media. The cases of the others were linked to participation in gatherings and the January uprising. In one case, the disciplinary committee imposed a two-semester suspension on a student whom Fars claimed had been carrying a bladed weapon on campus. The nature of this allegation differs from the cases involving protest activity and the publication of content.

The Right to Education Versus Severe Punishments

The repeated expulsion of students has also raised concerns about educational security and freedom of expression at universities. Under such circumstances, transparency regarding the allegations, case evidence, and review procedures becomes even more important. Taken together, these cases show that disciplinary action against students at Sharif University is continuing. From a legal perspective, the fundamental principle in every case is the right to a defense and a fair review. From a social perspective, the university cannot be separated from society. Ultimately, expelling students because of protest-related activities, if carried out without a transparent review process and guarantees of the right to a defense, ceases to be merely an educational decision. Such rulings can become a symbol of repression, the shrinking of university space, and the widening gap between students and the power structure.

Economic Crisis: The Real Face of a Regime That Portrays Itself as Powerful

Following increased economic pressure on the Iranian regime and a naval blockade, its leaders fear that US President Donald Trump’s threat of further economic punishment could deepen hardship, reignite unrest, and further erode the regime’s legitimacy. Despite the Iranian regime leaders’ warmongering after nearly six months of war and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a vital route for global oil supplies, they are facing growing pressure inside the country that could lead to nationwide unrest. The protests taking place across Iran over economic conditions are examples of this pressure. On Friday, August 14, U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Washington would impose measures against Tehran by early the following week that had never been seen before. The remarks followed additional economic sanctions previously imposed on the Iranian regime. Washington did not specify what the new measures would include. Iran entered the war with high inflation, a weakening currency, energy shortages, sanctions, and deep structural weaknesses, and it now has to contend with damaged infrastructure, trade disruptions, lost production, and reconstruction costs. According to Iran’s Statistical Center, the country’s annual inflation rate reached 66% in July, while consumer prices were 87.9% higher than a year earlier. Food inflation reached 128% compared with the previous year. For the Iranian regime, the greater threat may not be the economic pain itself, but the risk that worsening hardship will reignite public unrest. Poor living conditions, dictatorship, and political pressure on the people led to widespread protests across Iran in January, and the Iranian regime responded with an unprecedented crackdown. That repression resulted in the deaths of several thousand people in Iran. The causes behind the January protests, as well as all previous protests, not only remain but have intensified. The appointment of Hossein Taeb, a key architect of past crackdowns, as the head of Iran’s Basij last week is one of the clearest signs of growing concern among Iranian regime officials about the reemergence of unrest.
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  The Basij is a paramilitary force affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and both have been used by the ruling clerics to suppress protests. In recent months, the Iranian regime has responded to fears of renewed unrest with executions, arrests, summonses, and lengthy prison sentences against journalists, lawyers, activists, human rights defenders, and students. These measures deepen the divide between the Iranian regime and the general public, who have grown increasingly frustrated by mounting economic pressure. Families are reducing their consumption of meat and other essential goods and choosing cheaper alternatives. According to the Statistical Center, rents in March were 31% higher than the previous year, while state media reported that housing prices in Tehran were nearly 50% higher than a year earlier. Iran’s minimum wage increased by about 60% this year, but the continued decline in the value of the rial has reduced purchasing power, with the dollar value of the minimum wage falling from about $105 in late March to $86. The Iranian regime has tried to move essential goods through alternative routes, including land corridors and the Caspian Sea, but those alternatives have also come under pressure. Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian acknowledged the pressure last week, saying, “Our problems have multiplied several times, while our income has also declined.” He said goods that once arrived by ship now take longer routes to reach Iran, driving up prices, and added that Iran is selling less oil and collecting less tax revenue from damaged or bankrupt businesses. Reza Sepahvand, a member of the regime’s Majlis (parliament), told the state-run ILNA news agency on Saturday, August 15, that the blockade had also effectively cut off Iran’s gasoline imports. He added that Iran’s daily gasoline production had reached about 130 million liters, while daily consumption stood at 137 million liters.
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  The latest figures from the Iranian regime’s Statistical Center show that year-over-year inflation for food and beverages reached 128.1% in July and August, a figure significantly higher than the country’s overall inflation rate of 87.9%. As a result, the cost of buying a fixed basket of food has more than doubled compared with the same period last year, leading to a substantial decline in per capita consumption of essential goods. According to reports from food producers’ trade associations, consumption of red meat, poultry, and eggs has fallen by 25% to 50%, while per capita dairy consumption has dropped dramatically from about 100 kilograms at the beginning of the 2010s to 40 kilograms today. However, according to the Iranian regime’s Statistical Center, year-over-year food inflation had already reached a three-digit level of 106.7% in February, before the war. Farzad Talakesh, secretary-general of the Iran Poultry Federation, said in May this year that the reason chicken had not become scarce in the market was declining consumption. He added that per capita chicken consumption had fallen by 25% to 30%, and he told the state-run Trade News that chick placement had declined by the same amount. He warned that if economic conditions improved and chicken consumption increased, current production would not be sufficient, disrupting supply and demand and driving prices higher. Ali Ehsan Zafari, CEO of the Dairy Cooperatives Union, also told the state-run Young Journalists Club in August: “At present, average per capita dairy consumption has fallen below 40 kilograms, whereas in 2010 it exceeded 100 kilograms. According to the statistics, we had 1,200 active dairy production units in the country in 2010, but that number has now fallen to fewer than 250.” According to a report provided by the Iranian regime’s Ministry of Agriculture to journalists, the war has caused the baseline prices of essential commodities in global markets to rise by 10% to 20%. International shipping costs have also increased by 120% to 200%, contributing to higher food prices. According to the Iranian regime’s Ministry of Agriculture, the destruction of steel plants, petrochemical facilities, and upstream packaging industries has increased food packaging costs by 150% to 300%. The Iranian regime has chosen the path of confrontation with both the international community and the people of Iran. By increasing repression and executions, it seeks to suppress the protest potential of Iranian society for a period while resisting U.S. pressure by any means possible. In any case, if the Iranian regime yields to the people’s demands, it will collapse in the shortest possible time, forcing it to take the opposite path. It may appear that the Iranian regime has managed to withstand global and regional powers, suggesting this is a sign of strength and leading some to conclude that negotiations with the regime and acceptance of the situation are necessary. However, experience has shown that the Iranian regime is struggling for survival, and its not being overthrown by the United States should not be seen as a sign of strength. The answer is that the path to overthrowing the mullahs does not lie through foreign war. Although the war has weakened the Iranian regime’s military capabilities, it will not lead to its overthrow, even if the attacks become many times more deadly. If, and only if, the world and the region seek growth, prosperity, and stability, and if the Iranian regime stands in the way of those goals, then the only solution is the people of Iran and support for an inclusive democracy in Iran.

Tensions Rise Between France and Iran’s Regime

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In response to the Iranian regime’s decision to declare two former employees of the French Embassy in Tehran “persona non grata,” France announced the expulsion of two Iranian diplomats from Paris. Jean-Noël Barrot, France’s foreign minister, announced that the country will soon expel two Iranian diplomats from France in a reciprocal move. The decision came after the Iranian regime’s Foreign Ministry declared two former employees of the French Embassy in Tehran “persona non grata” over what it described as “activities contrary to international law, particularly the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations,” and said they would not be allowed to return to Iran. The Iranian regime’s Foreign Ministry had previously protested what it called the “unconventional conduct of two French diplomats” without disclosing their names or positions, and said they had been expelled from Iran. The French Embassy responded by stating that the two employees’ assignments had ended and that they had already been preparing to leave Iran. However, it has emerged in recent days that the two individuals worked in the cultural section of the French Embassy and had apparently met with two Iranian graphic designers in connection with a cultural project. Those two graphic designers have remained in detention ever since. With France’s decision to expel two Iranian diplomats, the diplomatic tensions between Paris and the Iranian regime have entered a new phase.

The detention of two Iranian graphic designers

Earlier, the families and relatives of the two Iranian graphic designers detained by the Iranian regime called on the French government to intervene to clarify their situation and secure their release. The two designers were arrested by the regime’s intelligence authorities last July after meeting with French diplomats. According to Radio France Internationale (RFI), the relatives of the two graphic designers said in a statement that 46-year-old Aria Kasaei and 36-year-old Elaheh Naghilou have been detained since July 19. They say the arrests took place shortly after the two artists met with two French diplomats. Tehran is pushing its relations with Paris toward crisis while experiencing growing regional and international isolation. It appears that Tehran welcomes tensions in its international relations, as such confrontations serve as a cover for the Iranian regime’s internal crises.

Cost of Living Basket Several Times Higher Than Iranian Workers’ Wages

Workers’ cost of living has come under pressure from inflation and low wages. July inflation data point to intensifying financial pressure on working-class households. Prices of essential goods have risen rapidly. Among these, food has placed the greatest strain on household budgets. Housing, healthcare, and education have also become more difficult to afford for many wage-earning families. According to official data from the Statistical Center of Iran, the Iranian regime’s official statistics agency, point-to-point food inflation reached 128.1% in July. This means the price of the specified food basket has become 2.8 times higher than it was in July last year. The prices of at least eight food items have increased by more than 100% over the past year. These figures reflect only average price increases. The food basket used in the official calculations is itself very limited and minimal.
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The cost of living basket and the deep gap between income and expenses

Working-class households are mainly concentrated in the fourth and fifth income deciles. According to the calculations presented, food accounts for 38.05% of living expenses in these deciles. Faramarz Tofighi, a labor activist, calculated the cost of the food basket for an average 3.3-person family based on official data. He also used the Nutrition Institute’s food basket in his calculations. According to these estimates, the cost of a working-class household’s living basket reached about 900 million rials (approximately $479) in July. This amount creates an enormous gap with workers’ monthly income. Meanwhile, a worker’s minimum monthly income is about $133. This figure represents the total official earnings of a worker with one child and one year of work experience. The cost of living basket set by Iran’s regime’s Supreme Labor Council in February last year stood at 429 million rials. Within four months, it had risen to about 900 million rials. As a result, the cost of living basket increased by 211.14% during this period. The increase in living costs amounted to about 476 million rials. This surge occurred within just four months.

Inflation is outpacing wages

According to calculations presented by Faramarz Tofighi, the monthly wage of a married worker with one child and one year of work experience, including all benefits, amounts to 249 million rials. At the beginning of the year, this wage covered only 58.24% of the cost of the living basket. At that time, the worker’s monthly income was enough to cover about 17.47 days of minimum living expenses. However, by the end of July, the situation had changed noticeably. The wage’s purchasing power has fallen to 27.58%. This income now covers only 8.27 days of living expenses.

Food has become a class-divided commodity

Meat, chicken, eggs, legumes, and rice are among the staple foods that are gradually disappearing from people’s living baskets, especially those of workers. Bread, which has always been a basic food for low-income households, has also not been spared from inflationary pressure. For households with fixed incomes, rising prices for these goods mean the gradual elimination of essential items. Declining food quality is also one consequence of this situation. This issue is particularly significant for retirees. A large portion of retirees live on fixed incomes and have no way to offset inflation through higher earnings.

The cost of living basket: A gap that widens every month

A comparison of income and expenses shows that the gap between wages and the cost of living basket has deepened in a short period. At the beginning of the year, on March 22, a wage of 249 million rials (about $133 at the current exchange rate) could cover 58.24% of minimum living expenses. Four months later, that coverage had dropped to 27.58%. At the same time, the cost of the living basket has risen from 429 million rials to about 900 million rials. The gap between income and expenses has not only grown but has expanded at a significant pace. The calculations indicate that workers need an income close to 900 million rials to maintain a minimum standard of living. Yet the wages of a large share of workers do not even reach half of that amount. Under such conditions, a slight decline in inflation alone cannot compensate for the pressure imposed on wage-earning households. Lower inflation does not mean lower prices. It only means that prices are rising more slowly. When a monthly wage is enough to cover only 8.27 days of minimum living expenses, the issue goes beyond ordinary economic pressure. These figures point to a severe erosion of workers’ purchasing power and worsening economic inequality in Iran.

‘No To Executions Tuesdays’ Campaign Expands to 60 Prisons Across Iran

According to human rights sources in Iran, the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign has expanded to 60 prisons across the country, and a group of prisoners at Gachsaran Prison issued a statement expressing solidarity with the campaign. Referring to the report by Javaid Rehman, the former UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Iran, which characterized the 1988 massacre as a crime against humanity, the prisoners expressed hope that those responsible for and those who ordered this crime against humanity will be brought before a court of justice.

“No to Executions Tuesdays” Campaign Expands to 60 Different Prisons in Its 134th Week

May the memory of all political prisoners who lost their lives during the bloody summer of 1988 be honored and remain eternal. On the anniversary of the massacre of political prisoners in the summer of 1988—which was recognized by Mr. Javaid Rehman, the former UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Iran, as a “crime against humanity”—we honor the memory of all those who lost their lives in the struggle for freedom and equality and hope that those responsible for and those who ordered this crime against humanity will soon be brought before a court of justice. The “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign seeks justice for each and every one of these loved ones and for all those who have been executed by the dictatorship ruling Iran. Over the past week, the repressive government also brutally hanged a political prisoner from the January 2026 protests, Shahram Sadeghi, in Karaj. With the executions of Shahram Sadeghi and Mohammad (Cheragh) Afroukhteh, who was recently executed in Zahedan, the number of executed political prisoners since March 22, 2026, has reached at least 39. This figure is a serious warning for many other political and non-political prisoners sentenced to death. Despite widespread protests, the Iranian regime has never stopped executions because it sees its survival as dependent on repression and executions. In recent months, executions have increased to such an extent that, following 134 consecutive weeks of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign and its repeated reports to the public and various institutions, alongside widespread protests by people and anti-execution activists, 32 countries around the world finally called, in a major statement, for the immediate halt of executions in Iran. We, the members of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign, call on all these countries to condition all their diplomatic and trade relations with the Iranian regime on a complete halt to executions in order to effectively stop the execution machine. We also once again call on all awakened consciences to be the voice of this campaign and of all those sentenced to death in Iran and to take action continuously in every way possible. It should be noted that a group of prisoners at Gachsaran Prison announced in a statement their official joining of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign. Accordingly, during the 134th week of their campaign, members will go on hunger strike on Tuesday, August 18, in 60 prisons across Iran.

Iranian Regime Parliament Issues New Plan to Counter ‘Infiltration’

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The general framework of the proposal titled “Countering the Infiltration of Intelligence Services and Foreign Governments or Institutions” was approved on Sunday, August 17, with 183 votes in favor in the Iranian regime’s Majlis (parliament). Beyond being a legal measure against espionage, the proposal carries a clear political message: expanding the securitization of society and increasing the cost of communication, information-sharing, and citizen organizing. However, only the general framework has been approved so far, and its articles and details have not yet received final approval. In the proposed text, the scope of restrictions extends far beyond countering intelligence operations. Article 5, for example, would prohibit scientific cooperation with certain foreign universities and institutions and even the transfer of medical, research, and archaeological samples under certain circumstances, with prison sentences envisaged as punishment. Other sections of the proposal also impose restrictions and criminal penalties on communication and cooperation with foreign media outlets and certain non-Iranian organizations.
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If such a law is passed in its current form, it would not only target spies or intelligence agents; it could also transform the public sphere into an environment of suspicion and fear. Students, journalists, researchers, social activists, and ordinary citizens may find themselves worrying, before any contact with people outside the country, about how their actions could be interpreted by the regime’s security agencies. At a time when the gap between society and the ruling establishment has widened and Iran’s younger generation relies more than ever on independent media, social networks, and cross-border communications, proposals like this could become tools for intimidating society and preventing the formation of communication networks and social organization. The Iranian regime seeks to present “countering infiltration” as the official purpose of this proposal, but the practical result of expanding such regulations would be to restrict the very communications that allow people to receive news, share their experiences, make their voices heard internationally, and coordinate around common demands. For example, if the family of a prisoner sentenced to death informs international media about their loved one’s sentence, the government could, under this law, prosecute them for communicating with what it considers hostile media outlets or suspicious organizations. If a prisoner or their family tries to make their voice heard around the world, they could face the intimidating measures envisioned in this repressive proposal. For this reason, the danger of this proposal is not limited to possible imprisonment or punishment for certain individuals; the greater danger is the creation of a society in which fear of being accused of infiltration replaces trust, dialogue, and social participation. It appears that the regime’s purpose in introducing such a proposal under these circumstances is to send a message of strength both to foreign counterparts and to people who, in the normal course of life, business, and work, interact with foreign individuals or organizations.

People In Iran Can No Longer Afford to Repair Household Appliances

The sharp rise in living costs in Iran has prevented many citizens from repairing household appliances, forcing them to either set these items aside or postpone repairs indefinitely. The state-run Shargh daily reported on Sunday, August 16, in an article titled “Repair Poverty: Living with Broken Appliances” that rising prices have led many Iranians to abandon broken household and everyday items because they can neither afford the cost of repairs nor the purchase of new replacements. According to the report, with prices continuing to climb, it remains unclear when citizens will be able to find the money needed to repair or replace these items.
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A bank employee took his car to a repair shop after its air conditioner broke down. He said, “I thought I’d probably have to spend 50 million rials (about $26), but when the mechanic said I’d have to pay 120 million rials (about $64) just for the broken part, it felt like a bucket of cold water had been poured over my head. Then I realized I’d also have to pay another 50 million rials for his labor.” He described the quoted price as shocking and said that after pausing for a few moments, he left the repair shop. According to the bank employee, paying that amount would have left him with no money for the rest of the month, while rent, loan installments, and other expenses, such as his child’s class fees, take priority. The citizen added that he has parked the car and decided to use public transportation until the weather becomes cooler. “I genuinely can’t understand the logic of paying nearly 200 million rials just to repair my car’s air conditioner. Just a few years ago, we could have bought a car with that amount.” The minimum wage for a worker with two children in Iran is about $133 per month. In recent months, the Iranian regime’s continued confrontational policies in the region, tighter sanctions, and the sharp decline in the value of the national currency have deepened Iran’s economic crisis. Soaring inflation and declining purchasing power have placed unprecedented pressure on people’s livelihoods, making it increasingly difficult for a large segment of society to afford basic goods.

Rising repair costs and abandoning everyday belongings

Massoud, another citizen, told Shargh that his household iron broke several months ago. He initially planned to repair it, but after asking about repair costs, he realized that by paying a little more, he could buy a new iron, albeit of lower quality. However, financial difficulties forced him to postpone both repairing the old iron and buying a new one. Complaining about the constant rise in prices, Massoud added, “Last week I took a piece of clothing to a tailor to fix the zipper. Can you believe the tailor quoted me 8.5 million rials (about $5)? I even told him that at that price I’d be better off buying a new pair of pants. Although, in reality, I can’t do that either.” The surge in the price of parts and services has made buying a new item sometimes appear more economical than repairing an old one. Shargh described this trend as “the shift from repair to replacement,” writing that it is not the result of growing consumerism but of escalating prices. Bloomberg reported on August 12, citing economists, that the continuation of the war could push Iran into one of the worst economic crises in its history. According to the report, advertisements for interest-free installment purchases and “Buy Now, Pay Later” plans are now prominently displayed in the windows of many stores in Tehran. Bloomberg added that installment purchasing, which was previously mostly limited to goods such as furniture and kitchen appliances, has expanded to essential goods since the war began and now even includes food.

Repair poverty and expanding deprivation among families

Ali Asghar Saeidi, an economic sociologist, told Shargh that under conditions of “repair poverty,” some households can neither afford to buy new goods nor pay the cost of repairing and maintaining the items they already own. According to him, under such conditions, broken items remain unused for long periods, continue to be used despite technical defects and potential dangers, or return to use after temporary, low-quality repairs. The sociologist continued, “If household income is not enough to cover more urgent needs such as food, housing, medicine, and education, repairs are postponed even when they make economic sense in the long term. When costs rise, the share of spending on food compared with non-food expenses increases.” Shargh wrote that repair poverty has consequences that go beyond abandoning a single appliance and can lead to increased household labor, more difficult transportation, and deprivation of education or digital services.

Canadian Federal Court Rejects Salman Samani’s Request to Halt Deportation

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The Federal Court of Canada has rejected Salman Samani’s request to halt his deportation from Canada. Samani served as deputy minister and spokesperson for the Iranian regime’s Interior Ministry during the regime’s bloody crackdown on the November 2019 protests. According to the legal publication Law360 Canada, the judge ruled that “Canada’s public interest in preventing the country from becoming a safe haven for perpetrators of repression” outweighs the claims raised by Samani. During the proceedings, Samani argued that he would face serious risks if returned to Iran and even said that suicide was a possibility. With his request denied, the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) can proceed with enforcing his deportation order. According to the CBSA, Samani held various government positions from 2007 to 2021 and demonstrated “commitment and loyalty to the regime” throughout his tenure. The CBSA also stated that, as spokesperson for the Interior Ministry, Samani played a role in promoting the Iranian regime’s official narrative and countering opposing views. After leaving the government in August 2021, Samani entered Canada on a tourist visa, and his deportation case was heard by the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada in 2024. The rejection of the request to halt the deportation has cleared the legal path for Canadian authorities to remove the former Iranian regime official from Canada.

Middle Eastern Countries Seek Ways to Move Oil Through the Strait of Hormuz

An Iraqi government source told the Iraqi news outlet Shafagh News that Iraq’s State Oil Marketing Organization (SOMO) is holding intensive negotiations with foreign shipping companies to ensure the transport of the country’s oil through the Strait of Hormuz, and talks with a German company are close to reaching an agreement. According to the report, the Iranian regime has agreed to allow oil tankers flying the Iraqi flag to pass through the strait, and Baghdad intends to use this authorization to transport its crude oil from southern Iraqi ports to global markets. SOMO has entered negotiations with two shipping companies, one American and one German. The American company has refused to place the Iraqi flag on its tankers, while the German company has expressed its willingness to use the Iraqi flag when transporting oil from Iraqi ports through the Strait of Hormuz.
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According to the source, under the understanding reached with the Iranian regime, Iraqi oil tankers will pay no transit fees to pass through the Strait of Hormuz. However, Baghdad still needs U.S. approval or authorization to finalize this arrangement, and Iraqi officials hope that permission will be granted soon. According to Iraq’s Oil Ministry, the country exported about 49 million barrels of oil in July, with more than 30 million barrels passing through the Strait of Hormuz.

Bloomberg: Saudi Arabia has turned to covert oil transfers through the Strait of Hormuz

Bloomberg reported that Saudi Arabia has begun offering oil cargoes off the coast of Oman, a move that could indicate increased shipments through the Strait of Hormuz using the so-called “shuttling” method and covert tanker movements. According to the report, Saudi Aramco has supplied oil cargoes through ship-to-ship transfers at locations including waters near the Port of Sohar in the Gulf of Oman. Bloomberg said the crude oil cargoes were most likely loaded at Saudi facilities inside the Persian Gulf. Under this method, tankers carry cargoes from inside the Persian Gulf through the Strait of Hormuz before transferring them to other tankers in the Gulf of Oman. Some of these voyages are carried out with ships’ positioning systems and transmitters switched off so that their routes cannot be tracked. The United Arab Emirates has previously used this method extensively to transport oil through the Strait of Hormuz, and Bloomberg’s report now suggests that Saudi Arabia may also be shifting a larger share of its exports through this route. According to satellite data, tankers with a combined carrying capacity of at least 9 million barrels loaded cargoes over the past week at the Ras Tanura export facilities and nearby locations. At the same time, a significant number of Saudi very large crude carriers have gathered outside the Persian Gulf.

Iran’s Regime Plans Fuel Rationing, Higher Gasoline Prices Within Next 15 Days

Esmail Saghab-Esfahani, a vice president of Iran’s regime, said on Saturday, August 15, that Iran’s daily gasoline consumption is about 135 million liters, while production by refineries and petrochemical plants is estimated at around 121 million liters. According to him, this has created a daily gasoline shortage of 14 to 15 million liters. He emphasized that the proposed scenarios are no longer merely “solutions” but, in his words, have become a “necessity,” and the government is compelled to choose one of them. According to the vice president of Masoud Pezeshkian, the president of Iran’s regime, one option is to distribute all domestically produced gasoline at fuel stations and halt supply once reserves are depleted. A second option is to allocate a fixed fuel quota to vehicles and charge any excess consumption at the market rate. Another scenario would allocate gasoline quotas directly to individuals, under which each person would receive 30 liters per month, with family members’ quotas placed under the control of the head of the household. Saghab-Esfahani also said that the government will likely make a final decision on one of these scenarios within the next 10 to 15 days, describing this period as an opportunity to review and discuss the available options. The official’s remarks come as rising domestic consumption and the widening gap between gasoline production and demand have once again made fuel rationing and multi-tier pricing one of the country’s major economic issues. Implementing any of these scenarios—particularly increasing the price of non-subsidized gasoline or reducing fuel quotas—could have direct consequences for transportation costs and the prices of goods and services.