Iran’s Regime Upholds Death Sentence of Political Prisoner Arghavan Fallahi
The death sentence of Arghavan Fallahi, a 24-year-old political prisoner held in the women’s ward of Evin Prison in Tehran, has been upheld by the Supreme Court, and the decision has been formally communicated to her lawyer. The development comes after months of detention, solitary confinement, and reports of psychological pressure and restrictions on her defense, increasing the risk that her death sentence could now be carried out.
According to published reports, Arghavan Fallahi was sentenced to death on July 1 by Branch 15 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court, presided over by Judge Abolghasem Salavati, on the charge of “baghi” (armed rebellion against the state). The sentence has now been upheld on appeal, and the Supreme Court’s decision has been conveyed to her lawyer.
The Supreme Court’s confirmation marks the end of the ordinary appeals process, although other legal avenues, including a request for judicial review, may still be pursued. However, as of the publication of this report, the Supreme Court branch number, the exact date of the ruling, the full text of the judgment, and the court’s legal reasoning have not been made public. It also remains unclear whether Fallahi’s lawyer has been granted access to the complete case file and the full ruling, limiting independent assessment of the judicial process.
Execution Of Majid Adineh, A Detainee from January 2026 Uprising
Majid Adineh, who was arrested during the January 2026 protests in Mohammadshahr, Karaj, was executed in the early hours of Sunday, August 23, while key details about his interrogation, trial process, case evidence, and access to a lawyer of his own choosing have still not been made public.
Majid Adineh was arrested on the evening of January 9, 2026, during the crackdown on the protests, by the Intelligence Organization of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in Alborz Province. Iran’s regime judiciary has claimed that weapons, ammunition, and other equipment were found when he was arrested.
Iran’s Regime Executes Ghaem Hosseini, Fifth Execution in Alikhani Square CaseAdineh denied using a weapon and said he had gone to the location to buy clothes. Nevertheless, Iran’s regime judiciary claimed that forensic tests indicated a firearm had been discharged on January 8 and 9. The results of gunpowder residue tests, fingerprint analysis, and other evidence cited by the court have not been publicly released. The charges brought against him included “operational action in favor of hostile governments,” “moharebeh (waging war against God) through deliberate arson,” “assembly and collusion against internal security,” “propaganda against the regime,” and illegal possession of weapons and ammunition. The Revolutionary Court in Karaj sentenced him to death and ordered the confiscation of all his property. According to the Iranian regime judiciary’s media outlet, the sentence was upheld by the Supreme Court after an appeal. However, the exact dates when the sentence was issued and upheld, the location where the execution was carried out, and details of the court hearings have not been disclosed. It is also unclear when Adineh’s lawyer became involved in the case and to what extent he had access to the evidence and forensic reports. Majid Adineh’s execution was carried out less than eight months after his arrest, while a significant portion of the evidence relied upon by Iran’s regime judiciary and details of the judicial proceedings remain unavailable to the public and independent human rights organizations. These unresolved questions raise serious concerns about respect for his right to a defense and adherence to fair trial standards in his case.
Inflation And Collapse of People’s Purchasing Power, New Signs of Expanding Poverty in Iran
Iran’s economy has experienced a decline in household purchasing power in recent years. Official data and independent reports show the broad scale of this pressure. Rising food prices, reduced consumption of essential goods, and declining demographic indicators present a troubling picture of living conditions. Reviews of multiple sources indicate that poverty is no longer limited to household income. It has also affected consumption patterns, health, marriage, and childbearing.
Poverty in the inflation figures: which number is correct?
One of the main livelihood crises is inflation, with year-over-year inflation approaching 88%. This figure is consistent with data published by the Statistical Center of Iran for July. According to these figures, year-over-year inflation reached 87.9% in July.Economic Crisis: The Real Face of a Regime That Portrays Itself as PowerfulThe pressure on food prices has also been severe. Reuters reported in August that overall inflation had reached 66% and food prices had risen by about 128%. Official June figures also showed sharp increases in food prices. Bread and cereals were up 138.8%, while milk, cheese, and eggs had increased by 151.9%.
How has poverty reached the family table?
Reduced food consumption is one of the clearest signs of poverty and declining purchasing power. A report on Iran’s dairy market says per capita dairy consumption has fallen from about 130 kilograms in 2010 to about 40 kilograms this year. This represents a decline of nearly 70%. The same report, citing data from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), says Iran’s red meat supply reached about 623,000 tons last year. That was about 20% lower than in 2024. Meat supply has also declined by nearly 39% compared with 2010. The result of this trend could be poorer nutrition and greater pressure on low-income households. It expands poverty from an income issue into a broader quality-of-life issue.Poverty and the decline of demographic indicators
Economic pressure has continued alongside significant demographic changes. According to figures for the year ending in March 2026, the number of births fell to about 892,000. This has been reported as the lowest annual birth total in seven decades. The fertility rate has also fallen to 1.35 children per woman. This is well below the replacement level of about 2.1 children. Published figures also show that the number of marriages has declined from 470,000 to about 432,000. These figures alone do not prove the cause of declining marriage and childbearing. However, economic and social reports identify housing costs, employment, and living expenses as factors influencing family decisions. The connection between poverty and the demographic crisis is therefore an issue that cannot be ignored.Oil: from declining exports to the announcement of a complete halt
Another part of the report on inflation, rising prices, poverty, and difficult living conditions concerns oil exports. Abdolnasser Hemmati, governor of the Central Bank of Iran’s regime, said in a televised interview on August 19, 2026, “Iran’s oil exports have reached zero.” He said the country is not exporting oil under current conditions. However, the data on Iran’s oil is more complex. Reuters reported that Iran’s shipments to China in August 2026 had fallen to about 534,000 barrels per day. Average exports in 2025 were about 1.4 million barrels per day. A distinction must therefore be made between “current exports through observable routes,” “stored cargoes,” and “accessible oil revenue.” Hemmati’s statement confirms a halt in oil exports under current conditions. Oil tanker tracking data also points to a sharp decline in Iran’s oil flow to China. As a result, the broader crisis in oil revenues is supported by the available evidence.Society facing the erosion of purchasing power
Taken together, the data points to a common trend. High inflation, lower food consumption, declining marriages, and falling birth rates have occurred simultaneously. These indicators show that poverty in Iran is not simply a matter of lower income. It has reached the family table, household decisions, and people’s outlook for the future. What is most concerning is the continuation of these trends. A society facing severe price increases, reduced consumption of essential goods, and declining demographic indicators at the same time is experiencing a gradual erosion of its economic and social capacity. The available statistics portray a society paying the cost of the economic crisis in everyday life.U.S. Announces the Start of Economic D-Day Against the Iranian Regime
U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced that Washington would enter a new and unprecedented phase of economic pressure against the Iranian regime starting Monday, August 24, aimed at cutting off the regime’s financial and economic lifelines and intensifying Tehran’s isolation.
U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced Sunday evening, Washington time, that a wide-ranging operation to increase economic pressure on the Iranian regime would begin early Monday.
U.S. Sanctions Cryptocurrency Exchange Network Linked to Iran’s regimeBessent described this phase by referring to the military term “D-Day” and said the United States had entered the “endgame.” He described the action as the “largest financial assault” against an adversary, targeting the Iranian regime’s economic capabilities. The U.S. Treasury secretary said the main objective of the pressure was to cut off vital economic channels that, he said, have enabled the survival of the Iranian regime. Bessent emphasized that Washington intends to block these lifelines so that the Iranian government ultimately faces complete isolation. He also said U.S. President Donald Trump had created the conditions necessary to use the full capabilities of the government, legal authorities, and tools that many previously believed Washington would not be willing to use. In another part of his remarks, Bessent claimed that the Iranian regime’s military capabilities had been severely damaged during Trump’s presidency. According to him, nearly 100% of the regime’s military factories had been targeted, and its nuclear program had also been “buried.” The U.S. Treasury secretary also claimed that the Iranian regime had extracted concessions from other countries over the years by using security threats and the possibility of retaliation, and that this calculation had helped sustain the regime. According to him, the notion that an Iranian response was certain while U.S. action was negotiable had ended during Trump’s presidency. Last week, Bessent had also announced that the U.S. government would impose much harsher economic sanctions against the Iranian regime starting Monday, sanctions that he said could lead to the “collapse of the Iranian regime.” The U.S. Treasury secretary’s remarks indicate that economic pressure on the Iranian regime has entered a new phase and that Washington intends to use broader financial and sanctions tools to weaken the government’s economic resources.
Senior Iranian Regime Official Threatens Regional Countries with Military Attacks
Mohsen Rezaei, secretary of the Iranian regime’s Supreme National Security Council, responded to increasing U.S. economic pressure by threatening countries in the region, saying that any country participating in economic restrictions against the Iranian regime would be considered an “enemy” and could become a target of attack.
Veteran War Commander Takes Over Iranian Regime Security CouncilOn the evening of Saturday, August 22, Mohsen Rezaei threatened during a television program that countries cooperating with the United States in imposing economic pressure on the Iranian regime would first face negotiations and then military action. He said, “Anyone who enters an economic war against Iran, we consider that country an enemy… If they continue, we will target that country.” Rezaei also threatened that, in response to the possibility of tougher U.S. sanctions, the Iranian regime would not allow “a single drop of oil” to pass not only through the Strait of Hormuz but across the entire Persian Gulf. These threats come as Washington has announced preparations for a new round of sweeping sanctions against the Iranian regime. U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent described the plan as part of an effort to impose unprecedented economic pressure and further isolate the Iranian regime. While downplaying U.S. pressure, Rezaei claimed that the Iranian regime had exported 70 million barrels of oil over the past one or two months. At the same time, he acknowledged that the Iranian regime’s foreign policy requires “reforms.” Rezaei’s threatening remarks once again show that, in response to increasing economic pressure and sanctions, the Iranian regime has relied on threatening neighboring countries and using the Strait of Hormuz and oil exports as leverage instead of offering solutions to its domestic and economic crises.
Iran’s Regime Lays Groundwork for Raising Gasoline Prices
As economic and financial pressure on the Iranian regime intensifies, Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian has once again laid the groundwork for higher fuel prices by highlighting the wide gap between gasoline purchase and sale prices. Meanwhile, the suspension of the UAE’s financial and commercial transactions with Iran has heightened concerns that the Iranian regime’s assets and Iranian banks’ funds in the country could be blocked.
Speaking on Friday, August 21, Pezeshkian said about gasoline prices: “Who said the government should buy gasoline for 1.3 million rials and then sell it for 15,000 rials?” He claimed that continuing this situation would reduce the government’s ability to cover costs such as food voucher programs, payments owed to wheat farmers, insurance, and the livelihoods of workers, retirees, and government employees.
Iran’s Regime Plans Fuel Rationing, Higher Gasoline Prices Within Next 15 DaysThese remarks come as Pezeshkian’s government is pursuing the so-called “fourth gasoline quota” plan at market prices, a proposal that has faced opposition even within the regime. On August 17, Iranian regime parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said raising gasoline prices was not “a calculated measure.” At the same time, Yaser Mirzaei, deputy head of the Energy Optimization Organization, reported restrictions on gasoline imports and significant withdrawals from fuel reserves this year, warning about the continuation of this trend. As a result, the gasoline shortage crisis has once again become a tool for justifying price increases and shifting the costs of the regime’s economic mismanagement onto the public.
The UAE’s financial pressure on the Iranian regime
Ali Shariati, a member of the regime’s Chamber of Commerce, warned about the consequences of the UAE’s recent decision to halt commercial and financial transactions with Iran. He said that if Iranian assets, intermediary companies, or Iranian banks in the UAE were blocked, the amount involved “could be a very large figure.” The UAE announced last Wednesday that it was suspending trade, commercial exchanges, and financial transactions with Iran until further notice. The decision came after Abu Dhabi accused the Iranian regime of firing two ballistic missiles toward passing ships, an allegation the Iranian regime has denied. Meanwhile, Reuters reported that Dubai banks have long held substantial Iran-related deposits, and that a significant portion of those funds has effectively been unable to be transferred because of U.S. sanctions. So far, UAE officials have not announced any order to seize or freeze the assets of Iran, Iranian banks, or Iranian citizens. Nevertheless, the convergence of the fuel crisis, the possibility of higher gasoline prices, trade restrictions, and the risk of blocked financial resources presents a more concentrated picture of the economic pressure facing the Iranian regime. Alongside Washington’s plan to intensify sanctions, these pressures further expose the costs of the regime’s economic crisis and regional policies.Iranian Regime Parliament Speaker: If People Are Hungry, We Will Not Survive
Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the speaker of the Iranian regime’s Majlis (parliament), warned about the consequences of the economic crisis and the intensification of U.S. sanctions. He said that even with military power, if people are hungry and the country’s economy lacks financial circulation, economic growth, and national production, the Iranian regime will not survive.
During a visit to Iraq on Friday, August 21, Ghalibaf met with people introduced as “Iran-Iraq economic activists,” described the new U.S. sanctions as “oppressive,” and said planning was needed to counter them.
He emphasized expanding trade with Iraq based on the two countries’ national currencies and said that using this method would allow them to “strike a blow against the American currency.”
These remarks came after U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced one day earlier that Washington was implementing a plan to sharply intensify economic sanctions against the Iranian regime with the goal of its “overthrow.”
Bessent described the plan as the largest coordinated economic isolation campaign in world history and said details of the new sanctions would be announced on Monday, August 24.
Iran’s Regime Executes Ghaem Hosseini, Fifth Execution in Alikhani Square Case
Ghaem Hosseini, who was arrested during the nationwide January protests and was one of those sentenced in the so-called “Alikhani Square” case, was executed at dawn on Thursday, August 20, at Dastgerd Prison in Isfahan.
The state-run Mehr News Agency, citing the Judiciary’s Media Center, announced the execution of Ghaem Hosseini. The execution took place despite previous warnings from United Nations experts about widespread violations of fair trial guarantees in the Alikhani Square case, who had called for the death sentences against all 12 defendants in the case to be overturned.
UN Fact-Finding Mission Urges Immediate Halt to Executions in Iran’s Alikhani Square CaseWith Hosseini’s execution, the number of people executed in the Alikhani Square case has reached at least five, while seven other defendants remain at risk of execution.
Ghaem Hosseini’s Execution at Dastgerd Prison in Isfahan
Ghaem Hosseini was among those arrested in connection with the January protests in Isfahan. His name was included on the list of 12 defendants who were sentenced to death in the Alikhani Square case. On July 28, it was reported that Hosseini’s family, along with the families of Amirhossein Maleki and Ali Dashti, had been summoned to the prison for a final visit. Despite protests by the families and warnings from human rights organizations, his execution was carried out at dawn on Thursday at Dastgerd Prison.What Is the Alikhani Square Case?
The so-called Alikhani Square case is related to the protests that took place on January 8, 2026, in Isfahan. According to state media accounts, four members of the Basij militia were killed during the clashes that day. Following the events, security forces arrested at least 59 people. According to published information, 12 defendants in the case were sentenced to death. Another 23 people received prison sentences ranging from five to 10 years, despite reports indicating that they had no direct role in the deaths of the four individuals. Erfan Esfandiari and Gol-Mohammad Mohammadi were executed on July 19, 2026, while Abolfazl Sepahi and Amirhossein Safari were executed on July 28, 2026. According to the published list of 12 defendants, after these five executions, Alireza Sepahi, Shervin Bagherian Jabali, Amirhossein Maleki, Ali Dashti, Abolfazl Ebrahimi, Alireza Raisi, and Amirhossein Ebrahimi Analoucheh remain under death sentences. Informed sources say the defendants were denied the right to choose independent legal counsel during the initial trial stage and were tried with court-appointed lawyers. It has also been reported that the lawyers did not have full access to the complete contents of the case files.Iranian Patients Face Soaring Medication Costs as Drug Prices Soar by 300%
While the Iranian regime’s Food and Drug Administration claims that the recent currency policy changes do not mean the complete elimination of subsidized exchange rates for medicines or the beginning of a new wave of price hikes, reports indicate a sharp increase in the prices of some medications in Iran.
According to a report published by Baamdadno, citing a notice from a pharmaceutical company, the prices of 82 of the company’s products have increased by an average of about 120%. The largest increases were for Donepezil tablets, at about 543%, and Clarithromycin, at about 308%.
Serious Drug Shortage in Iran as Officials Assure Supplies for Arbaeen PilgrimsThe state-run website Asr Iran also wrote: “According to Tasnim News Agency, a pharmaceutical company announced in a notice that the prices of 82 of its pharmaceutical products have increased, raising the average price of the affected items from about 1.8 million rials (approximately one dollar) to 3.9 million rials.” In response, Mohammad Hashemi, spokesperson for the Iranian regime’s Food and Drug Administration, claimed that the recent currency changes affect only certain pharmaceutical intermediates and precursor materials and should not be interpreted as the removal of subsidized exchange rates across the entire pharmaceutical supply chain. He also said that foreign currency for raw materials and precursor substances used by the pharmaceutical industry has been allocated at the same level as last year and that the Health Ministry’s policy is to prevent financial pressure from being passed on to patients. The debate over the gradual elimination of subsidized exchange rates for medicines has continued for months. In March 2026, the Food and Drug Administration announced that, due to limited foreign currency resources, subsidized exchange rates would be removed for certain active pharmaceutical ingredients and precursors used in over-the-counter medicines, low-cost non-chronic medications, and some licensed drugs, although vital and essential medicines would continue to qualify for the subsidy. Following these changes, numerous reports of price increases for some medications have been published, and concerns have grown about rising treatment costs and more difficult access to medicines for patients. The state-run website Khabar Online wrote about the rise in drug prices: “Drug prices increased this year in two stages, first on April 5 and then in early June. About two-thirds of all medicines were repriced during these two stages. Mehdi Pirsalehi, head of the Food and Drug Administration, said a few days ago at a press conference that ‘this increase is not solely the result of manufacturers’ decisions. The prices of raw materials, auxiliary materials, packaging, petrochemical products, aluminum, and transportation costs have also affected this sector.'” The head of the Iranian regime’s Food and Drug Administration added: “In just one example, we have seen transportation costs increase. The cost of shipping a container from countries such as China and India, which used to be about $2,000 to $3,000, has in some cases reached $30,000, and it is paid using the free-market exchange rate. Rising global energy costs and higher raw material prices in countries such as India and China have also increased production costs.” This regime official then combines these figures and claims that not all of the costs will be paid by patients and that “we are pursuing a collective system.” However, in this official’s so-called collective system, there is no mention of the government. Instead, it is once again the people, pharmaceutical companies, and ultimately insurance providers who are expected to bear the costs—something that never happens, with the result being drug price increases of 300% to 500%.
Iran’s Livelihood Crisis and the Regime’s Deadlock in Covering Costs
The August 18 editions of the Tosee Irani and Ham-Mihan newspapers carried the headline: “The monthly livelihood basket has reached 900 million rials,” while “workers’ wages for the month of Tir were not enough to cover even 10 days of the month.”
Economic Crisis: The Real Face of a Regime That Portrays Itself as PowerfulEvery day, society demands the right to live, and the ruling establishment cannot respond, even if it wanted to. This situation means the crisis between the regime and society has crossed a breaking point and moved beyond an intensely contradictory stage. It clearly indicates that there is no path back for the regime to repair this rapidly widening gap. Class inequality has reached its peak, and its trajectory continues to rise. How can the enormous gap between the “250 million-rial monthly wage (approximately $133) of minimum-wage workers” and the “900 million-rial livelihood basket (approximately $479)” be bridged? When, from February to mid-June, “the cost of living rises by 211%, increasing by 476 million rials (approximately $253),” it means the regime and society are entrenching themselves for a class struggle. In a society where “housing, quality education, and proper healthcare have long been out of reach, and even food has become inaccessible,” what description of governance remains, other than that of a thief breaking into a home? When the basic necessities of life become inaccessible to a large segment of the population, the issue is no longer merely an economic or livelihood crisis. Livelihood reaches a point where human dignity, the future of children, and the possibility of continuing life itself are taken hostage. Under these conditions, it is natural for protests against rising prices and poverty to go beyond an economic demand and become a question about the very nature of governance. The natural question arising from this trend is where this rapidly escalating cycle—one in which “workers struggle desperately in the whirlpool of astronomical living costs”—will ultimately lead the confrontation between the regime and society. The answer cannot be found in economic tables, statistics, or the government’s piecemeal and reactive wage decisions. When the gap between living costs and income reaches the greatest dimensions of class inequality, the issue becomes a structural crisis within the regime itself—a crisis that produces new branches every day and expands to encompass every segment of society. The issue has now become existential for both the regime and the people: the regime seeks to use the people as a shield for its own survival, while the people seek to remove the regime from their natural lives and their political and social existence.
