Bloomberg: Shamkhani’s Son’s Influence in the International Banking SystemBloomberg writes that these transactions, which coincide with Russia’s increased use of Iranian weapons in attacks on Ukraine, are part of a vast global trade network that has generated immense wealth for Hossein Shamkhani. His father, Ali Shamkhani, served the longest tenure as the regime’s defense minister and remains a senior advisor to the regime’s supreme leader. Meanwhile, the names of Shamkhani’s other two children, Hassan and Zeinab, as well as his nephew and son-in-law, have appeared in financial corruption cases. Even his multi-billion rial bank account has made headlines. According to Bloomberg’s new report, citing information from over 12 American, British, and European officials, as well as individuals with direct knowledge of these transactions, Hossein Shamkhani used a network of companies under his control—including Crios Shipping LLC, based in Dubai—to transport missiles, drone components, and dual-use goods across the Caspian Sea last year using at least two ships. Informed sources say Russia pays for these shipments with oil cargoes, a form of barter trade that has become more common due to U.S. and European sanctions against both Russia and Iran’s regime. Bloomberg states that Hossein Shamkhani’s corporate network manages more than one-quarter of Iran’s total weapons transfers to Russia. His commercial empire includes an investment fund with offices in London, Geneva, and Singapore, and a commodity trading company in Dubai that has done business with major Western oil firms. The Iranian regime and Russia have acknowledged their growing defense cooperation but have not disclosed all details. John Bolton, former U.S. National Security Advisor, had previously stated that the Shamkhani network is involved in drone supply deals for Russia’s use in Ukraine.
Iranian Regime’s Hidden Trade: Oil Smuggling and Weapons Shipments to Russia
In a recent report, Bloomberg describes Hossein Shamkhani, the son of Ali Shamkhani—advisor to Iranian regime’s supreme leader, member of the Expediency Council, former secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, and Khamenei’s representative in that council—as an Iranian oil tycoon who has covertly embedded himself in the heart of the Western financial system. He is reportedly one of those responsible for delivering weapons to Russia via the Caspian Sea. Bloomberg had previously published a report stating that Hossein Shamkhani, under the alias “Hector,” plays a role in smuggling Iranian oil, including to Russia, and referred to him as Iran’s oil smuggling kingpin.
Nuclear Secrecy and Brutal Repression: Two Sides of the Same Coin in Iran’s Struggle for Survival
The regime ruling Iran has for years teetered on the edge of multiple crises: a crisis of legitimacy, nuclear crisis, economic collapse, international isolation, and growing social unrest. In such circumstances, a regime with no popular base—and now largely deprived of its tools of terrorism and regional warfare—resorts to two key methods for survival: nuclear secrecy on the international stage, and naked repression at home. These two strategies, though seemingly different, are in fact two sides of the same coin—both serving to sustain a decaying and disintegrating regime.
New Nuclear Revelation: A Project for Bombs, Not Power
In the latest revelation by the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) in the United States, a secret site codenamed “Ranginkaman” in Eyvanekey, Semnan province, was identified. According to NCRI sources, this facility is part of SPND, the organization directly responsible for the Iranian regime’s nuclear weapons project. The site operates under the cover of chemical industries and in the name of a company called “Diba Energy Sina.”
The exposure of such a site once again proves that the regime’s nuclear project is not peaceful, but rather a tool for acquiring nuclear weapons. The use of tritium—a substance with no peaceful application—and the effort to mount it on ballistic missiles, serve only one goal: building an atomic bomb to guarantee the regime’s survival.
Why the Regime Clings to the Bomb: Securing Survival Amid Crises
Why does a regime under severe economic pressure, international isolation, and domestic dissatisfaction continue to spend billions of dollars building secret nuclear infrastructure?
The Iranian regime sees its survival not through reform, but through repressive and deterrent power. In its logic, a nuclear bomb is a guarantee of survival.
But this project comes at an enormous cost: widespread poverty, intensified international pressure, crippling sanctions, and internal economic instability. As Iranians’ dinner tables shrink by the day, billions of dollars are spent on facilities whose sole purpose is to preserve the rule of a small, entrenched elite.
Nuclear Secrecy and Brutal Repression: Complementary Tools of Survival
On the other hand, while the Iranian regime resorts to secrecy and deception on the international stage, its domestic policy is the complete opposite: a show of force through an iron fist.
A surge in executions (dozens each month), systematic repression of students, assaults on schools, arrests of civil society activists and grieving families, and a barrage of daily crackdowns all clearly reflect the regime’s fear of popular uprisings. The regime is fully aware that it has no grassroots support, and that even the smallest spark could ignite a nationwide revolt.
The widespread repression inside Iran, like its pursuit of nuclear weapons, is part of a broader “survival defense” strategy. Knowing it lacks internal support, the regime looks outward for deterrent tools (the atomic bomb), and inward for tools of coercion (execution, torture, repression).
Deflecting the Core Conflict by Creating Artificial Ones
The regime seeks to inflame and polarize society—by amplifying issues like compulsory hijab—to prevent the emergence of national unity against itself. In reality, the regime’s survival depends on conflict and division; it sees unified society as the death knell of its rule.
Heavy Costs for the People; Profit for the Supreme Leadership
In all of this, it is the people of Iran who pay the real price of the regime’s dual policy of nuclear secrecy and domestic repression. While they struggle to afford basic necessities, their taxes and oil revenues fund secret nuclear sites like “Ranginkaman.” Their voices of protest are met with arrest, lashings, or execution.
Why Is the Regime Still Failing Despite All These Efforts?
Despite its full-force efforts to survive through repression and deception, this strategy has failed. The reason is clear: public dissatisfaction has not only persisted—it has deepened and spread.
Today, Iranian society is more aware than ever that the root cause of poverty, oppression, and crisis lies at the top of the regime.
The regime of absolute clerical rule—with all its tactics, from secret nuclear sites to public executions, from deceiving international opinion to domestic brutality—has not been able to avoid the path of collapse. The core contradiction, the conflict between the people and the regime, is becoming increasingly clear and unavoidable.
In the end, no amount of tritium, missiles, or executions can guarantee the regime’s survival. Nuclear secrecy and brutal repression may delay the inevitable, but they offer no escape from eventual overthrow.
Billions for War, Nothing for the People: The Cost of Repression and Corruption in Iran
In the midst of the fourth round of nuclear negotiations between the Iranian regime and the United States held in Oman—and while media outlets are busy analyzing the details of these talks—a deeper and more fundamental question is being heard louder than ever from within Iranian society.
How much can even a potential agreement improve the situation for the people? Why does life keep getting harder for ordinary Iranians, while the regime’s spending on foreign, military, and security operations—as well as widespread theft and corruption—continues to skyrocket?
These days, amid economic instability, widespread electricity blackouts, a water crisis, rising prices of medicine and basic goods, millions of Iranians across the country begin their day with frustration and anxiety.
Many citizens rightly ask how it is possible that a government claiming budget deficits for paying contractors or repairing decaying water and electricity infrastructure is simultaneously spending billions of dollars supporting proxy military groups in the region?
A budget for non-Iranians, not the people of Iran
Over the past years, the Iranian regime’s financial support to groups like Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, Hashd al-Shaabi in Iraq, and the Houthis in Yemen has been repeatedly acknowledged by the officials of these same groups.
For example, the new Secretary-General of Hezbollah recently stated in a speech that they had received around $400 million as a “gift” from the Iranian regime to distribute among Lebanese families. This amount is separate from the regular annual support Hezbollah receives, which various sources have previously estimated to be between $1 billion and $2 billion per year.
Additionally, the Iranian regime pays about $150 million monthly to Hamas. The same pattern is repeated with Hashd al-Shaabi and the Houthis in Yemen.
If we sum up these figures, even the most conservative estimates show that just a portion of the regime’s budget spent on foreign groups easily exceeds several billion dollars annually. This is not including four decades of support for Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria, which various reports estimate to have cost between $30 billion and $100 billion—though the actual scale remains unknown.
On the very days when funds are being transferred to armed groups in Lebanon, Gaza, Iraq, and Yemen, many cities in Iran are experiencing constant power outages, contaminated or entirely depleted drinking water sources, untreatable illnesses due to medication shortages, and the shutdown of small businesses—making everyday life bitter and unbearable for millions of Iranians.
Repression and Corruption
But the issue doesn’t end with regional aid. A significant portion of the country’s oil and tax revenues is spent on expanding and strengthening the domestic repression apparatus. Security, intelligence, and law enforcement agencies—including the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Basij militia, the Special Units, and other repressive institutions—are heavily equipped and funded, not to ensure national security, but to suppress the people.
During every wave of public protests, these agencies—with modern equipment, armored vehicles, surveillance cameras, lethal weapons, and sophisticated monitoring and wiretapping systems—have been responsible for cracking down on street demonstrations. A large portion of the national budget is also allocated to paying salaries, benefits, and bonuses to security forces and repressors.
At the same time, hundreds of trillions of rials have been siphoned off from the country’s resources through cronyism or major corruption scandals and ended up in the pockets of corrupt officials and regime affiliates. Cases like the petrochemical corruption scandal, Bank Sarmayeh, the Teachers’ Fund, systemic embezzlement in the banking network, and dozens more are examples of this recurring pattern—none of which have led to the return of stolen assets or real prosecution of the main perpetrators.
Priorities That Exclude the People
In Iran’s regime, budgeting is not based on public interest but is driven by the regime’s ideological and security priorities. From the development of long-range missiles and military drones to financial support and multitrillion-rial budgets for 490 Islamic seminaries and 400,000 clerics across the country—these are the regime’s top priorities.
In contrast, urban infrastructure improvements, development of healthcare and education, drought mitigation, revitalization of the electricity industry, or even the reconstruction of dilapidated schools have always been met with claims of “no budget.”
This contradiction has fueled widespread public anger, especially among the youth and middle class, who now see no prospects for progress and not even hope for maintaining basic standards of daily life. On university campuses, in marketplaces, and among the growing poor, this anger is openly expressed.
An Angry Society, the Loud Voice of a Discontented People
In countless videos and messages posted online, people repeatedly speak of power and water outages, business closures, the destruction of small investments, and irreparable losses.
Under these conditions, labor and professional protests are also on the rise. From retirees to workers, from drivers to bakers in various cities, the voices of protest and demands are growing louder every day. Yet instead of responding, the regime mostly reacts with threats, arrests, or complete disregard.
The “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign: Ongoing hunger strike in 41 prisons across Iran
The “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign will stage a hunger strike in 41 prisons across the country on Tuesday, May 13, for the sixty-eighth consecutive week.
While the wave of executions in Iran has intensified, with at least 96 prisoners—including one woman—executed in just the past three weeks, the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign has reported the continuation of protest hunger strikes in dozens of prisons across the country.
At the same time, two other political prisoners have received harsh death sentences. Amin (Peyman) Farahavar Gisavandani, a poet from Gilan province, has been sentenced to death by Judge Ahmad Darvish-Goftar on charges of “rebellion and enmity against God.” Ehsan Faridi, a student at the University of Tabriz, was also sentenced to death by Branch 2 of the Tabriz Revolutionary Court on charges of “enmity against God.” Reports indicate that these verdicts were issued without the presence of lawyers chosen by the defendants. Both prisoners are supporters of the MEK (People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran), the largest opposition group to Iran’s regime.
The continuation of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign enters its sixty-seventh week across 41 prisons in IranIn a statement, the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign referred to the accelerated issuance and implementation of death sentences under Iran’s regime, calling on international institutions to pursue the judges who issue these rulings through independent human rights bodies and to act to stop this cycle of violence. The campaign also commemorated Barzan Mohammadi, a former political prisoner and supporter of the protest movement, who recently died in an accident. The statement extended condolences to his family and companions. The full statement of the sixty-eighth week of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign: Continuation of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign’s hunger strike in 41 prisons during its sixty-eighth week Death sentences issued for two political prisoners According to published reports, the issuance and implementation of death sentences by courts under Iran’s regime continue unabated. Since late April, more than 96 prisoners, including one woman, have been executed—an average of at least four executions per day. In recent days, Amin (Peyman) Farahavar Gisavandani, a poet and political prisoner from Gilan, was sentenced to death by Judge Ahmad Darvish-Goftar on charges of “rebellion and enmity against God.” Ehsan Faridi, a student at the University of Tabriz, was also sentenced to death by Branch 2 of the Tabriz Revolutionary Court on the charge of “enmity against God.” Notably, these inhumane verdicts were issued without the prisoners having access to legal representation of their choice. We call on human rights organizations and anti-death penalty advocates to expose the judges responsible for these rulings and to file complaints against them through independent human rights bodies. As the regime proves incapable of resolving its internal and external crises, the pace of executions has increased. Confronting executions in such a climate is an urgent and undeniable necessity. In every corner of this land, the flag of resistance to executions must be raised, and voices of protest must be heard. This criminal regime must not be allowed to take citizens’ lives with ease. Freedom is the right of a nation that has paid a heavy price for decades in pursuit of liberty, equality, and democracy. The “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign honors the memory of Barzan Mohammadi, a former political prisoner and supporter of this movement, who tragically lost his life in a devastating accident. The campaign extends its condolences to his family and all those involved in the movement.
US Congress Resolution Amplifies Calls for Accountability for Iranian Regime’s Heinous Crimes
The recent passage of U.S. House Resolution 166, backed by a significant bipartisan majority of 220 Representatives, marks a pivotal moment in the international community’s stance towards the clerical regime in Iran. Beyond expressing support for the Iranian people’s aspirations for a democratic, secular, and nonnuclear republic, the resolution serves as a powerful indictment of the regime’s four-decade reign of terror, its systematic human rights abuses, and its destabilizing actions both domestically and internationally. Crucially, H.Res. 166 validates the long-standing calls from the Iranian Resistance and human rights advocates for accountability for past and ongoing atrocities, particularly the 1988 massacre of political prisoners.
The resolution leaves no ambiguity about the nature of the Iranian regime, unequivocally condemning its “terrorism, regional proxy war, internal suppression, and for other purposes.” It highlights that “the developments over the past year have left no doubt that the source of terrorism and warmongering in the Middle East region is the theocratic Islamic Republic of Iran.” This strong language from a key branch of the U.S. government reinforces the reality that the Iranian people have endured for over 45 years: a regime built on violence and sustained by repression.
Comprehensive Condemnation: A Regime Built on Terror and Repression
H.Res. 166 meticulously outlines the multifaceted malign activities of the Iranian regime. It notes that the “ruling theocratic Islamic Republic of Iran has acted as a source of terrorism and regional conflict over the past four decades to ensure its survival,” directly linking its warmongering to its efforts to maintain power. The resolution specifically points to the regime’s role in “fueling of weapons, missiles, and drones to its proxies and targeting of ships and free trade in the Red Sea and American forces in the region,” highlighting its direct threat to global peace and security.
Furthermore, the resolution addresses the regime’s dangerous nuclear ambitions, stating that it “has repeatedly and increasingly violated its commitments under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), and defied the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) regarding its nuclear programs, and has expanded its stockpile of near weapons grade of enriched uranium, a necessary component of building a nuclear bomb.” This comprehensive condemnation underscores the international consensus that the regime’s behavior is unacceptable and poses a grave danger. The House of Representatives “unequivocally condemns the Iranian regime’s warmongering in the Middle East, which is a major source of terrorism and regional instability and calls for its end.”
Spotlight on Atrocities: The Unforgotten Crime of the 1988 Massacre
A particularly significant aspect of H.Res. 166 is its direct reference to one of the darkest chapters in modern Iranian history: the 1988 massacre. The resolution cites the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran’s July 2024 report, which “highlighted the execution of ‘tens of thousands’ of political prisoners in the 1980s and during the 1988 massacre (up to 30,000).” It further quotes the Special Rapporteur, noting that these “‘atrocity crimes’… represent the commission of the worst and the most egregious human rights abuses of our living memory whereby high-ranking state officials connived, conspired, and actively engaged to plan, order and commit crimes against humanity against the nationals of their own state.”
Crucially, the resolution acknowledges that “an overwhelming majority of the executed prisoners were members and sympathizers of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK).” This explicit recognition is vital, as the regime has consistently sought to deny or downplay this systematic extermination of political opponents. By incorporating these findings, the U.S. House of Representatives lends its weight to the demand for justice for the victims and accountability for the perpetrators, many of whom still hold positions of power in Iran.
Ongoing Brutality and the Targeting of Dissent
The resolution makes clear that the regime’s brutality is not confined to the past. It notes that “in the first four months of Masoud Pezeshkian’s presidency, over 500 prisoners, including political prisoners and at least 17 women, have been executed, some publicly.” This grim statistic dispels any illusion that cosmetic changes in the regime’s presidency signal a shift towards moderation. The resolution also condemns the “arbitrarily and brutally suppressed ethnic and religious minorities.”
Furthermore, H.Res. 166 sheds light on the regime’s relentless persecution of its organized opposition, even beyond Iran’s borders. It states that “in 2023, the Iranian regime started sham trials in absentia of some 104 veteran members of the Iranian opposition, who are primarily based in Europe, including in France and Albania, to justify terrorist plots against them, and continues to target Iranian dissidents abroad.” This underscores the regime’s profound fear of the organized resistance and its determination to silence dissenting voices by any means necessary.
A Call for Accountability and Protection for Witnesses in Ashraf 3
In response to this catalogue of crimes, H.Res. 166 “calls for holding the Iranian regime and its leaders accountable for their crimes through the continued imposition of sanctions.” This call for accountability is directly linked to the protection of those who can bear witness to these crimes. The resolution specifically highlights the residents of Ashraf 3 in Albania, noting that “over 900 women and men of Ashraf 3 in Albania are former political prisoners who witnessed prison crimes of the Iranian regime, and many of them are witnesses of the 1988 massacre and other political killings in Iran, who must be fully protected for potential testimonies before any international courts investigating the killings in Iran.”
The resolution explicitly “calls on the United States Government, in cooperation with our ally Albania, to ensure the full protection of the Iranian political refugees in Ashraf 3 in Albania against the Iranian regime’s continued efforts to target dissidents abroad and for them to benefit from all rights stipulated in the Geneva Convention 1951 and the European Convention on Human Rights.” This is a critical demand, recognizing the invaluable role these survivors play in the pursuit of justice and the ongoing threat they face from the Iranian regime.
The Path Forward: Rejecting All Dictatorship, Embracing a Democratic Alternative
The resolution identifies that the Iranian people “oppose any form of authoritarian rule, reject monarchic dictatorship and religious tyranny, as evident in their protest slogans.” This echoes the consistent message from nationwide uprisings in Iran, where citizens have clearly articulated their desire for a fundamental change, not a mere reshuffling of dictators.
Crucially, H.Res. 166 points towards a viable democratic future by calling for “supporting the Iranian opposition and the Ten-Point Plan for the Future of Iran, which aligns with democratic values and ensures a democratic, secular, peaceful, and nonnuclear republic for the future of Iran.” This Ten-Point Plan, presented by Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), advocates for universal suffrage, free elections, separation of religion and state, gender equality, and a non-nuclear Iran. The widespread international support for this plan, including from “over 4,000 parliamentarians worldwide… and over 130 former world leaders and 80 Nobel laureates,” signifies its credibility as a blueprint for a free Iran.
The U.S. House Resolution 166 is a significant step. It not only condemns the Iranian regime’s extensive crimes but also recognizes the legitimacy of the Iranian people’s struggle for freedom and democracy, and the importance of holding the perpetrators of mass atrocities, like the 1988 massacre, accountable.
Protest rallies and marches by retirees, workers, and students in Iran
Continuing the wave of labor protests across Iran, on Sunday, May 11, dozens of rallies and protest marches were held in various cities. The participants expressed deep dissatisfaction with their living conditions and the ongoing neglect of their demands.
In Ahvaz, retirees covered by the Social Security Organization voiced their protest against economic hardship, inflation, and the regime’s failure to respond to their demands. One retiree said: “We’ve come out in 50-degree heat to say we can’t go on anymore. They have forgotten us.”
Protest gatherings by retirees and various segments of the Iranian population; condolences to Bandar AbbasIn Tehran, Social Security retirees gathered outside the organization’s headquarters and chanted: “We won’t rest until we get our rights” “Retirees awake and fed up with empty promises” During the protest, when a security officer began filming the faces of demonstrators, retirees responded boldly and fearlessly, shouting: “Film all you want! We’re not afraid!” In Neshat, Isfahan, hundreds of retired steel and mining workers gathered to protest delays in wages and healthcare services. They chanted slogans such as: “We want nothing but our rights, we don’t want state charity” “What has become of this wealthy country?” Social Security retirees in Kermanshah protested in front of the Social Security office, chanting: “Claiming justice—shame, shame!” “Solidarity, unity—the remedy to oppression and tyranny” Retirees in Shush also demonstrated, protesting their deteriorating living conditions. Bakers in Andimeshk protested outside the governor’s office over the worsening economic situation. One baker said: “The baker is losing his bread, and so are the people at their tables.” On Saturday, May 10, students at Shiraz University of Medical Sciences went on a hunger strike in protest against poor food quality and substandard living conditions. They demanded immediate improvements in university catering services. Dump truck drivers in Rostamabad, Gilan, staged a strike and protest for the second consecutive day over low transportation fares. On Sunday, May 11, textile industry workers in Yazd gathered outside the governor’s office to protest the frequent power outages disrupting their work. Social Security retirees in Shush, Haft-Tappeh, Karkheh, and other parts of Khuzestan held protest marches rejecting poverty, high prices, and corruption. Chants such as “From Khuzestan to Gilan, shame on these officials” and “What happened to this wealthy country?” reflected the public’s outrage over government mismanagement and looting. In the Kheirabad Industrial Town near Arak, factory owners blocked the town’s entrance in protest against power outages and the resulting damages. They asked, “How can a country with vast energy resources keep its industries in crisis?” These nationwide protests not only reflect the depth of Iran’s economic and social crises but also serve as an open call to the public for uprising and revolt.
Hezbollah has been expelled from Beirut Airport
In a significant development, Lebanon’s new government, with direct support from the United States, has succeeded in reclaiming full control of Beirut’s Rafic Hariri International Airport from forces affiliated with Hezbollah and restoring it to official state institutions. This move is seen as the beginning of a new policy aimed at curbing the influence of this Tehran-backed group within the country’s key infrastructure.
Over the past years, especially after the civil war and Hezbollah’s growing influence in Lebanon’s security and economic structures, Beirut International Airport had effectively fallen under the group’s control. Reports indicate that the airport had become one of Hezbollah’s main logistical hubs for transferring equipment, cash, and even gold from Iran.
Disarming Hezbollah: A Crippling Blow to Iranian RegimeAccording to an analytical report by The Wall Street Journal citing Lebanese security sources, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam’s government has dismissed dozens of airport employees who were collaborating with Hezbollah and implemented a range of advanced surveillance measures to strengthen control over the facility.
Strict restrictions on Hezbollah
According to the report, new artificial intelligence-based monitoring systems have been deployed to combat smuggling and trace the transfer of illicit financial resources. These actions come amid mounting international pressure to reduce Hezbollah’s growing power in Lebanon. One particularly notable outcome of these developments was the thwarting of an attempt to smuggle over 50 kilograms of gold through the airport. Lebanese officials stated that the shipment was intended to finance Hezbollah’s military wing. The smuggling operation was detected by security forces, and those involved were arrested. Meanwhile, direct flights between Tehran and Beirut, which for years had served as logistical channels for Hezbollah’s resource transfers, were halted by order of the Lebanese government in February 2025. This decision was welcomed by U.S. and Israeli officials and has effectively blocked one of Hezbollah’s most critical financial lifelines. Prime Minister Nawaf Salam told The Wall Street Journal that the government’s efforts to restore central authority over the airport have thus far been successful, leading to tangible reductions in smuggling and the reassertion of national sovereignty over critical infrastructure. These developments are part of a broader strategy aimed at diminishing Hezbollah’s military, political, and economic influence in Lebanon. In parallel, the Lebanese army has seized control of several illegal border crossings and dismantled some of Hezbollah’s weapons depots. Analysts believe that Hezbollah is currently facing one of the most challenging periods in its existence since its founding in the 1980s.Widespread Coverage of Iranian Resistance’s Nuclear Revelation
Following a new revelation by the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) regarding the Iranian regime’s secret nuclear projects, a wave of international reactions and coverage has emerged across media outlets, analysts, and diplomatic entities. The revelation, presented during a press conference on Thursday, May 8, 2025, by the NCRI’s representative office in Washington, unveiled unprecedented details of a covert project at the Ivanekey facility in Semnan Province. According to sources within the Iranian opposition, this project is part of the regime’s nuclear weapons program overseen by an entity known as SPND (The Defense Advanced Research Organization).
New NCRI Intelligence Reveals Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Program Is Advancing RapidlyThis disclosure is based on intelligence gathered through the internal network of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK). According to the Resistance’s spokespersons, it contains solid evidence of systematic efforts to develop a nuclear bomb, including the capability to build a hydrogen bomb.
Details of the Revelation: From Tritium to Long-Range Missiles
According to the information, the Ivanekey facility, operating under the front company “Diba Energy Sina,” is in fact a key site for producing nuclear weapon components. Spanning roughly 2,500 hectares, the facility is located in a strategic area 55 kilometers southeast of Tehran and has been concealed from international organizations through stringent security measures. The Iranian Resistance also disclosed that the regime is involved in the processing of tritium, a radioactive isotope of hydrogen that has strictly military applications. One of the key revelations is the involvement of nuclear fusion experts and chemists such as Dr. Ebrahim Haji Ebrahimi and Hadi Zaker-Khatir, who are affiliated with Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization. In an exclusive report, Fox News confirmed the existence of a covert facility known as the “Ranginkaman site” (Rainbow site) in the Ivanekey area using newly released satellite imagery. The American news network stated that this facility has been operating for at least a decade under the cover of front companies. Fox News reported that the site, known among regime officials by the codename “Ranginkaman site,” is part of a network that has significantly advanced Iran’s capability to produce nuclear warheads. This report was released simultaneously with the resumption of nuclear talks between Tehran and Washington in Muscat and could impact the course of these negotiations. Fox News analysts warned that the disclosure of undeclared nuclear sites will complicate the diplomatic process. The UK’s Daily Express also published a detailed report citing information from the Iranian Resistance, analyzing the regime’s nuclear activities. Referring to the NCRI’s history of past disclosures, the report described the new revelation as well-documented and alarming. According to the Daily Express, the new information indicates a significant increase in SPAND’s activities to produce nuclear weapons. These developments could pose a serious obstacle to negotiations between Iran’s regime and global powers. Tammy Bruce, spokesperson for the U.S. Department of State, in response to reporters’ questions about the newly uncovered facility, stressed that the United States will not allow Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon. She said they have seen the reports, and while they cannot go into details, it is clear that the Iranian regime cannot be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon. She added that this is President Trump’s red line. She added that the U.S. will look at actions, not claims, and that the diplomatic teams and negotiators are fully aware of what is happening. Alireza Jafarzadeh, Deputy Representative of the NCRI in the United States, stated at the press conference that over the past three decades, every phase of the Iranian regime’s nuclear program has been exposed by the Resistance. These revelations have forced the regime to make admissions it previously denied. The recent disclosure by the Iranian Resistance and its broad coverage in international media once again highlights the crucial role of the opposition in exposing the Iranian regime’s covert activities. If these new findings are taken seriously, they will undoubtedly have a major impact on nuclear negotiations and future Western policy toward Iran. As Iran’s economic situation continues to deteriorate, social unrest grows, and sanctions loom on the horizon, the regime’s attempt to maintain secret military projects could further intensify Tehran’s international isolation.The Heavy Cost of Iran’s Nuclear Program
As long and daily power outages return to cities across Iran with the onset of summer, former foreign minister of the Iranian regime, Mohammad Javad Zarif, stated that by 2021, Iran had incurred at least one trillion dollars in costs and damages due to investments in nuclear energy.
It is important to note that this figure was stated by a regime official, and the actual amount is likely much higher.
For the past three decades, Iranian regime officials have consistently claimed that their goal in building nuclear power plants is the peaceful use of nuclear energy, including electricity generation. However, according to the Ministry of Energy, nuclear power has so far accounted for only 1.1% of total electricity production in Iran.
Iran’s Nuclear Power Dream: From Fantasy to RealityMeanwhile, officials from the Ministry of Energy have projected that Iran’s electricity shortage will soon rise from 25,000 megawatts to 30,000 megawatts, leading to longer daily power outages for households and various industries. Majid Dabirian, a member of the syndicate of power production companies, previously estimated the cost of building a 10,000-megawatt power plant at around 5 billion euros. This means that to achieve an ideal state where power production exceeds consumption, a budget of at least 15 billion euros would be required. Additionally, considering the urgent need for investment in fossil fuel sources such as gas and diesel to supply new power plants, all of Iran’s energy sector problems could be resolved with an expenditure of at most 50 billion euros. In conclusion, with the massive one trillion-dollar expenditure and losses in the nuclear sector, as stated by Mohammad Javad Zarif, regime officials could have fully renovated Iran’s energy infrastructure more than 20 times over. On the other hand, the cost of constructing a 1,000-megawatt nuclear power plant is roughly equal to that of an 8,000-megawatt hybrid plant (fossil fuel and solar). According to many experts, considering Iran’s possession of some of the world’s largest oil and gas reserves, shifting toward nuclear energy for electricity production appears illogical. The state–run media outlet Chandsanieh reported that in 2020 alone, over 17.3 billion cubic meters of gas were burned off via flaring instead of being utilized. Meanwhile, the country with the second-largest natural gas reserves in the world is unable to produce sufficient electricity. Despite this, the Iranian regime—due to the belligerent policies of its supreme leader Ali Khamenei and the insistence on uranium enrichment, which triggered Western reactions and extensive economic sanctions over suspicions of nuclear weapons development—completely lost the opportunity to modernize the country’s energy infrastructure. Over the past week, large numbers of citizens along with business owners and industrial workers in Iran—including bakers and those working in Tehran’s steel market—held protest gatherings against recurring power outages, which have at times lasted up to 12 hours a day. Fatemeh Mohajerani, the government spokesperson, announced on Wednesday, May 7, that due to worsening power shortages, the working hours of government offices would change. She wrote on X that starting Saturday, May 10, government offices will operate from 6 a.m. to 1 p.m. This decision means employees living on the outskirts of the capital—due to high rent prices—will have to begin their commute around 4 a.m. Meanwhile, Mostafa Rajabi Mashhadi, managing director of Tavanir Electric company, the main electricity provider, claimed that the electricity of 700 banks in Tehran had been cut off due to their high consumption. Ali Akbari, the regime’s energy minister, also stated on Wednesday that electricity prices would “increase progressively” according to a law passed by the Majlis (parliament), justifying it as a measure to “incentivize high-consumption users to reduce and optimize their electricity use.” This is despite international statistics showing that electricity consumption in Iran is less than half that of many European and Persian Gulf countries.
Rising Unemployment Rate in Iran in Winter 2025
The Iranian regime’s Statistical Center reported a rise in the unemployment rate in winter 2025 compared to autumn 2024. Critics, however, argue that due to flaws in the data collection methodology, the actual unemployment rate is significantly higher than the figures published by regime-affiliated data centers.
According to the regime-affiliated ISNA news agency and based on the report from the Statistical Center, by the end of winter 2025, the unemployment rate among individuals aged 15 and older reached 7.8%, reflecting a 0.6% increase compared to the previous season.
Iran: Unemployment Rate Among University Graduates Higher Than National AverageAccording to the published data, the unemployment rate rose in both male and female demographics. Among men, it increased from 5.9% in autumn 2024 to 6.5% in the past winter. Among women, it rose from 13.7% to 14.2% by the end of winter 2025. Unemployment also increased in both urban and rural areas. In urban regions, the rate rose from 7.8% in autumn to 8% in winter, while in rural areas it increased from 5.2% in autumn 2024 to 6.9% in the past winter. This is while, during the same period in the previous year (2023), the unemployment rate among individuals aged 15 and older across the country was 8.6%, with 7.1% for men, 15.6% for women, 9% in urban areas, and 7.1% in rural areas. The announcement of rising unemployment during winter comes amid serious criticisms of the regime’s data collection methods. These flaws suggest that the actual unemployment rate is higher than what government data centers report. For example, in the surveys, random field questions are asked about individuals’ income, and they may state that they have income. However, their workplace or job type is not questioned. The presence of any income is considered proof of employment, which is one of the flaws that skews the measurement of employment and unemployment rates. Moreover, over 40% of the unemployed in the country are university graduates. This indicates that unemployment is especially high among graduates and youth, with no significant job creation in these segments. Furthermore, based on International Labour Organization (ILO) definitions, anyone who works two hours per week is considered employed. However, in Iran, due to significantly lower wages compared to other countries, this definition is not practical. In Iran, even individuals who work 192 hours a month—equivalent to a full-time shift—are often unable to meet basic living needs.
