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The Vicious Cycle of Poverty in Iran

Over the past more than a decade, Iran’s economy has been trapped in chronic stagnation, structural inflation, and a continuous decline in purchasing power. Reports from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and even domestic media indicate that Iranian society has entered a stage of persistent poverty. In this situation, households have neither the ability to save nor the possibility to invest, nor hope for a sustained improvement in their living conditions.

What makes this crisis more dangerous is the transformation of poverty into a self-reinforcing cycle. In Iran’s vicious cycle of poverty, rising costs of housing, food, healthcare, and transportation reduce purchasing power. The decline in purchasing power, in turn, destroys effective demand.

Urban Poverty in Iran: The Collapse of the Economy of Life in Major Cities

According to published data, the population living below the poverty line has increased at an unprecedented rate over the past two decades. If around 9 million people were below the poverty line in the mid-2000s, now tens of millions are either in poverty or at risk of absolute poverty. Even state-run media in Iran have spoken of a sharp rise in absolute poverty; a phenomenon once limited to deprived regions but now affecting the urban middle class as well.

Rent-based economy and the continuous reproduction of poverty

One of the main reasons for the formation of the vicious cycle of poverty in Iran is the economy’s dependence on oil revenues and rent-seeking policies. Rather than leading to sustainable development, the oil-based economy has become a tool for expanding corruption, opaque distribution of resources, and strengthening unaccountable institutions within the Iranian regime. In such a structure, productive investment has been replaced by speculation, brokerage, and non-productive activities.

In recent years, a large portion of social capital has shifted toward non-productive markets such as foreign currency, gold, land, and housing. The reason is clear: production in the economy controlled by Iran’s regime lacks security and returns. Independent investors face constant uncertainty, systemic corruption, and a lack of legal protection. As a result, capital is diverted from production into activities that only generate more inflation and inequality.

The housing market is a clear example of this crisis. Over recent years, housing prices have multiplied several times, while household incomes have never kept pace. The result of this gap has been the gradual exclusion of millions of people from the housing market. Many families have been forced to move to city outskirts, live in smaller homes, or spend a large portion of their income on rent.

Sanctions have also played an important role, but the current crisis cannot be reduced solely to sanctions. Many countries have been under external pressure, yet transparent and accountable economic structures have prevented the collapse of people’s livelihoods. The main problem in Iran is the combination of sanctions with mismanagement, institutionalized corruption, and the prioritization of political and security objectives over the economic interests of society.

Erosion of the middle class and the expansion of social insecurity

The vicious cycle of poverty in Iran is not limited to declining incomes; it has now led to widespread social erosion. The middle class, once the pillar of economic and cultural stability in society, is gradually collapsing. Families that previously could afford housing, proper education, and healthcare are now facing crises in meeting basic living expenses.

Official statistics show that the share of food expenses in household budgets has sharply increased. This means people are spending a larger portion of their income simply to survive. At the same time, nutritional quality has declined and consumption of essential goods has fallen. Reduced caloric intake alongside rising food prices is a clear sign of expanding food poverty in the country.

The labor market situation has become even more critical. The expansion of informal employment, temporary contracts, and lack of insurance has turned millions of workers into precarious labor. Many workers and employees, despite being fully employed, live below the poverty line. This phenomenon, known as the “working poor,” is one of the most dangerous signs of economic collapse.

Rising internal migration is another part of this crisis. Households migrate to smaller cities or outskirts to escape the high cost of living in major metropolitan areas. However, this relocation often means lower quality of life, weaker public services, and the expansion of informal settlements. As a result, poverty shifts from city centers to the periphery, creating a broader social crisis.

The reality is that Iran’s economy is no longer merely facing a period of recession or inflation. What has emerged is a stable structure to produce poverty. A structure in which social inequality is reproduced, economic opportunities become more limited, and the gap between a small, privileged minority and the majority of society grows wider every day.

The World Bank has referred to Iran’s “lost decade” of economic development; a decade in which millions of people fell below the poverty line. However, the main issue is not only the decline in incomes. The deeper crisis is the gradual destruction of the possibility of economic recovery within the current framework. When a political and economic structure is built on monopoly, corruption, and repression, poverty is no longer a temporary crisis; it becomes part of the governing system itself.

Netblocks: Iran’s Internet Faces Heavy Filtering Despite Restored Connectivity

NetBlocks, the global internet monitoring organization, says that Iran’s internet, despite being reconnected, is still subject to severe filtering.

NetBlocks announced on the social media platform X that three months ago on this day, Iran cut off access to the global internet.

“Three months ago today #Iran shut off access to the global internet. While connectivity has now largely returned, metrics indicate that users still face heavy filtering, similar to the interim period between the January protests and the start of the war.”

The organization is referring to the period after the January protests, when internet access was briefly restored.

Following the gradual restoration of global internet access in Iran, data from Kentik shows that international internet traffic, after weeks of severe restrictions, had reached 53% of its pre–January 2026 protest levels by 7:30 a.m. today.

Iranian Media Report Approval of Resolution to Restore International Internet Access

According to Kentik, this trend is somewhat similar to the partial reconnection of the internet after December–January protests.

At that time, despite partial access to the global internet, the connection was highly unstable and accompanied by intermittent disruptions.

It is unclear whether access will return to its previous state or remain in this unstable condition.

Ahmad Rastineh, spokesperson for the Cultural Commission of the Iranian regime’s parliament, reacting to decisions by regime president Masoud Pezeshkian regarding the review of the internet situation, said that some of the duties and responsibilities of this taskforce overlap with those of the Supreme Council of Cyberspace.

He says that the ruling of the Administrative Court of Justice to suspend the activities of this taskforce is, from a legal standpoint, “correct and precise.”

According to this member of parliament, reopening the internet is “against the law.”

Following the internet shutdown since the start of the war in Iran in February, Masoud Pezeshkian formed the “Taskforce for Organizing and Strategic Management of Cyberspace” to review the return of international internet access.

The taskforce’s decision regarding the reopening of the internet has faced strong reactions from its opponents.

After that, the Administrative Court of Justice announced that “following complaints requesting the annulment of the document establishing this taskforce, the Specialized Board for Industries and Commerce, having recognized the urgency of the matter, has issued an order to suspend the implementation of the resolution until a final review is conducted.”

Despite this measure, international internet access has been restored for users since two days ago, after more than 80 days.

Iran’s Regime Confirms Death Sentence of Political Prisoner Amin Farahavar

The death sentence of Amin Farahavar, supporter of PMOI and political prisoner held in Lakan Prison in Rasht, has once again been confirmed by the Supreme Court of the Iranian regime, a development that has increased concerns about the imminent risk of his execution.

Amin Farahavar, 38, a poet from Gilan province, had previously been sentenced to death by a branch of the Revolutionary Court of Rasht on charges of “rebellion against the state” (baghi) and “enmity against God” (moharebeh). Reports now indicate that his lawyer’s request for a retrial has also been rejected by one of the branches of the Supreme Court, effectively bringing the judicial process of his case to an end.

According to published information, the hearing of his case was held on May 1, 2025, in a branch of the Revolutionary Court of Rasht presided over by Judge Ahmad Darvish-Goftar. It is reported that the trial was conducted without the presence of a defense lawyer, and the death sentence was issued afterward.

The issued sentence was upheld in late 2025 by Branch 39 of the Supreme Court, and in early May 2026 the request for a retrial filed by his lawyer was also rejected; a decision that has further deepened the critical condition of this political prisoner.

Reports also indicate the poor physical condition of Amin Farahavar. Due to complications from gallbladder surgery and severe pain in the surgical area, he is facing serious health problems. Human rights sources say that he suffered internal bleeding during interrogation but has been deprived of adequate access to medical care.

Following the reconfirmation of the sentence, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) has called for urgent action by international bodies to prevent the execution of this political prisoner. The council has also warned about the increasing pressure on political prisoners and the issuance of harsh sentences in recent months.

Political Prisoner Bijan Kazemi Sentenced to 37 Years and Six Months in Prison

Bijan Kazemi, a political prisoner held in Tehran’s Evin Prison, was sentenced by Branch 15 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court to a total of 37 years and six months in prison. Kazemi was arrested in the city of Kuhdasht after the killing of Mohammad Moghiseh and Ali Razini, two Supreme Court judges, on January 19, 2025.

Shahnaz Khosravi, the mother of political prisoner Bijan Kazemi, reported that he had been transferred to one of the Ministry of Intelligence’s safe houses outside Tehran Province. Kazemi has been detained since January 2025, and security agents have reportedly tried to force him to confess that he supplied the weapon used in the attack on Razini and Moghiseh.

High-Ranking Iranian Regime Judges Mohammad Moghiseh and Ali Razini Killed

Kazemi’s mother stated that her son, along with other detainees, is being held in separate cells in groups of three or four at one of the Ministry of Intelligence’s safe houses outside Tehran Province. She wrote that the lives of Bijan and other political prisoners are in danger.

Addressing the people of Iran, Khosravi wrote: “Let us turn the freedom of political prisoners not merely into a demand, but into the shared cry of a nation; a national demand for dignity, justice, and humanity.”

Following Israel’s attack on Evin Prison in June 2025, security agencies of the Iranian regime transferred hundreds of recently detained individuals and prisoners held in Evin’s security wards to safe houses and a newly established security detention facility inside Greater Tehran Penitentiary.

One of those transferred was Bijan Kazemi, who was arrested after several security agents raided his home in Kuhdasht County, searched the house, and confiscated all electronic devices belonging to him and his family members.

Kazemi, who had also been arrested in 2020 and imprisoned for two years, has been deprived of his legal rights as a political defendant during his latest detention.

Security agents arrested Kazemi on charges related to the killing of Ali Razini and Mohammad Moghiseh, two Supreme Court judges involved in mass executions of dissidents, and are attempting to force him to confess that he supplied the attacker’s weapon.

Moghiseh and Razini were shot and killed at their workplace inside the Supreme Court on January 18, 2025.

Iranian Regime Judiciary Announces ‘Harshest Punishment’ for Defendants in Ekbatan Case

The Mizan News Agency, affiliated with the judiciary of Iran’s regime, reported that Tehran’s Revolutionary Court sentenced a number of defendants in the Ekbatan case to the harshest punishments on charges including “corruption on earth,” collusion and assembly to commit crimes against the national security, and propaganda activities against the regime.

Mizan News Agency, affiliated with the judiciary of the Iranian regime, wrote that Tehran’s Revolutionary Court sentenced several defendants in the Ekbatan case to the harshest punishments on charges of “corruption on earth,” assembly and collusion to commit crimes against the country’s internal security, and propaganda activity against the regime.

Iran: The “No to Executions Tuesdays” Campaign Warns of Possible Death Sentences for “Ekbatan” Case Defendants

In a brief report published on the evening of Sunday, May 24, Mizan wrote: “According to the issued verdict, a number of the defendants in the case were sentenced to the harshest punishment on charges of corruption on earth, and the other defendants, based on the nature of their actions and the extent of their involvement, were sentenced to prison terms and supplementary punishments.”

The report did not mention the names of the defendants or the type of punishments and emphasized that since the verdict is not final, it is not possible to provide details about the case.

At the same time, HRANA, the news outlet of the Human Rights Activists in Iran organization, quoted a source familiar with the case as saying that Milad Armon, Navid Najaran, Mehdi Imani, and Seyed Mohammad Mehdi Hosseini — defendants in the case known as the Ekbatan Township case who were arrested during the nationwide 2022 protests — were sentenced to death by Branch 15 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court on charges of moharebeh (“waging war against God”). The court was presided over by Judge Abolqasem Salavati.

According to the report, Amir Mohammad Khosh-Eghbal, Alireza Barmerz Pournak, Alireza Kafaei, and Hossein Nemati, other defendants in the case, were each sentenced to seven years in prison along with supplementary punishments.

According to the informed source, the ruling was verbally communicated to the defendants on Sunday without the presence or knowledge of their lawyers, and by the time the report was published, the attorneys had still not been informed. As a result, the lawyers were unable to file appeals.

Previously, all six defendants in the case had been sentenced to death, but the ruling was overturned by the Supreme Court, and the case was referred to Branch 13 of Tehran Criminal Court for retrial.

In this part of the case, Branch 13 of Tehran Province Criminal Court No. 1 convicted Milad Armon, Alireza Kafaei, and Amir Mohammad Khosh-Eghbal on charges of participating in the intentional killing of Arman Aliverdi, a member of the Basij paramilitary force. Each of them was sentenced to pay an equal share of the full blood money compensation for one person and to five years in prison.

The Ekbatan Township case dates back to the nationwide protests of 2022. On October 26, 2022, Arman Aliverdi, a member of the Basij paramilitary force, was injured in Ekbatan Township while sent to suppress anti-regime protest rallies. He died two days later of his injuries.

Following his death, security agencies arrested more than 50 young residents of Ekbatan Township, and indictments were issued against a number of them.

Currently, hundreds of political prisoners and citizens detained during the protests are facing political and security-related charges in Iran’s prisons.

Human rights activists have warned that some of these prisoners are at risk of receiving, having confirmed, or facing the implementation of death sentences.

In one of the latest developments, Manouchehr Fallah, a political prisoner held in Lakan Prison in Rasht, was sentenced to death for a second time by Branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court of the city. He had previously been sentenced to death in January 2025 on charges of moharebeh and supporting the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK).

Power Struggle, An Endless Crisis at the Top of Iran’s Regime

As Iran’s economic crisis deepens and social discontent increases, new signs have emerged of an intensifying power struggle within the ruling establishment. While regime officials in recent months repeatedly invoked slogans such as preserving unity and wartime conditions in an attempt to suppress any social protests, they are now themselves entangled in internal rivalries and political score-settling. The latest example of this power struggle has surfaced in the election of the presidium of the 12th Majlis (parliament).

The state-run Jahan-e Sanat newspaper reported: “On Monday, May 25, the election for the presidium of the third session of the 12th Majlis will be held; an election in which the country’s special circumstances have not prevented the usual factional maneuvering seen in such political events. However, the manner of holding the presidium election remained shrouded in ambiguity due to the parliament’s closure.”

Exposing the Paydari Front’s Operation to Bring Down Ghalibaf

In its report, the state-run Jahan-e Sanat newspaper exposed what it described as an operation by the hardline Paydari Front faction to weaken Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the current speaker of parliament. The report shows that despite the regime’s official propaganda about the necessity of internal unity; different regime factions remain occupied with rivalry and struggles for a greater share of power.

The state-run Jahan-e Sanat newspaper explicitly stated in its report that hardliners are fully aware that their political weight is not comparable to that of Ghalibaf, but they are trying to prevent him from gaining full control of parliament through a strong vote. Although Ghalibaf’s faction succeeded in securing him the position of speaker of the Majlis of the anti-human regime for the seventh time, factional infighting and disputes continue.

This power struggle has not been limited to the position of parliament speaker. The report by the state-run Jahan-e Sanat newspaper also points to extensive efforts to remove Ghalibaf’s allies from deputy speaker and secretary positions within the presidium.

Power Struggle and Fear of the Future

Recent developments in parliament are being viewed as a reflection of a deeper crisis within the power structure of Iran’s regime. At the same time as, economic pressures increase and social protests reemerge; regime factions are feeling greater insecurity about their political future. Each faction is trying to consolidate its position and weaken internal rivals before any possible future developments.

In recent months, alongside intensifying inflation, the collapse of the national currency’s value, and the spread of labor and livelihood protests, regime leaders repeatedly emphasized the need for internal unity. Nevertheless, revelations about heavy lobbying and behind-the-scenes competition in the parliament’s presidium election have further exposed the deep divisions within the regime’s power structure.

Regime analysts have also reported growing tensions among various factions. Some media outlets close to the regime have warned that the continuation of this power struggle could deepen internal divisions. However, signs indicate that competition for a larger share of power has overridden any form of political cohesion.

A notable point is that even domestic media outlets are no longer able to conceal the dimensions of this crisis.

Social Protests and the Intensification of Divisions and Factional Infighting

At the same time as this power struggle, a new wave of social protests is unfolding in various Iranian cities. Retirees, workers, teachers, and other protesting groups have repeatedly demonstrated in recent weeks against the economic situation, rising prices, and the severe decline in purchasing power. Many observers believe that the increase in these protests has intensified regime factions’ fears about the future.

Under such circumstances, the regime’s internal conflicts have become more visible than ever. Each regime faction is trying to preserve its position and prevent being pushed out of the power structure. This power struggle has now become one of the most significant signs of the regime’s internal crisis.

Iranian Media Report Approval of Resolution to Restore International Internet Access

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Iranian media reported that a resolution to restore international internet access has been officially communicated for implementation.

Iranian domestic media reported that a resolution by the Steering and Organization Headquarters for Cyberspace to restore internet access to its pre-January status was communicated by Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian to the Ministry of Communications for implementation.

Iran’s Regime Forms New Headquarters for Repression and Control of Cyberspace Amidst Internet Blackouts

CITNA, a news website focused on information technology, wrote on the evening of Monday, May 25: “The resolution of the Steering and Organization Headquarters for Cyberspace to restore the internet to its pre-January status was communicated minutes ago by the president to the Ministry of Communications for implementation.”

Hours before publishing this report, the outlet quoted an informed source as saying that the Steering and Organization Headquarters for Cyberspace, chaired by Mohammad Reza Aref, the first vice president of the regime, held a meeting and approved restoring internet access to its status before January 2026.

Details of the decision, the timing of its implementation, and whether it will include the full restoration of international internet access or merely reduce some restrictions have not yet been announced.

Fars News Agency, affiliated with the Iranian regime, also quoted an informed source as saying that restoring international internet connectivity was approved with nine votes in favor and three against and is now awaiting final approval by the head of the government.

IRGC-affiliated media oppose the return of profiteers behind “Internet Pro”

Mohammad Sarafraz, a member of the Supreme Council of Cyberspace, said on Saturday, May 23, that equipment related to the permanent shutdown of the internet had been purchased from China and imported into Iran.

He added that operators affiliated with the Supreme Council of Cyberspace are involved behind the scenes in approving the “Internet Pro” plan and that beneficiaries of internet shutdowns are active in the market for VPN sales and special internet services.

Ali Yazdikhah, deputy chairman of the Majlis Cultural Commission, had said on May 21 that higher authorities had concluded that reopening the internet is not in everyone’s interest.

He added that people do not have major problems with internet shutdowns and that access had been granted to groups deemed to need international internet access.

The approval of this resolution comes as people in Iran have faced at least 109 days of internet outages or severe restrictions since the beginning of 2026.

Restrictions on international internet access in recent months have become one of the most significant pressures on citizens and digital businesses, and reports have emerged regarding discussions of scenarios for the gradual restoration of internet access.

These developments have coincided with reports about the inactivity of the Supreme Council of Cyberspace.

Ezzatollah Zarghami, a member of the Iranian regime’s Supreme Council of Cyberspace, said in an interview with the Shargh newspaper on May 19 that decisions related to internet shutdowns had not been made by the council and that the body had not held a meeting for nearly one year.

This coincidence has intensified speculation that decision-making authority over internet and cyberspace issues has been transferred to newly established institutions — an area that in recent months has become one of Iran’s most sensitive security, economic, and social issues.

Punitive Restrictions Imposed on Female Prisoners in Iran’s Evin Prison

Golrokh Iraee, Zahra Safaei, Marzieh Farsi, Shiva Esmaili, and Sakineh Parvaneh, five female political prisoners in Tehran’s Evin Prison, have been subjected to punitive deprivation of phone calls after participating in the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign and chanting slogans against death sentences. The restriction is part of ongoing pressure against female political prisoners.

Reports from Evin Prison indicate that since Sunday, May 24, these five female political prisoners have been punitively deprived of the right to use prison telephones. According to received information, prison authorities canceled the prisoners’ phone cards because of their participation in the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign and chanting slogans against the implementation of death sentences. Human rights activists say depriving prisoners of contact with family members and lawyers has become a tool for suppressing the civil protests of political prisoners.

Repression and Human Rights Violations in Iran – April 2026

Continued Deprivation of Visits with Family and Lawyers

These five political prisoners had previously also been deprived of the right to in-person visits with their families and lawyers. According to reports, the restriction remains in place, and no clear explanation has been provided regarding its continuation.

Simultaneous deprivation of visits and phone calls places severe psychological pressure on prisoners and their families. According to these activists, preventing prisoners from communicating with family members and lawyers not only has psychological effects but also limits the right to an effective defense and access to legal support.

Pressure on Female Political Prisoners in Evin

Recent reports show that pressure on female political prisoners in Evin Prison has increased over recent months. Earlier, during the second week of May, reports had also emerged regarding intensified pressure on female political prisoners.

According to these reports, Zahra Safaei, Forough Taghipour, Marzieh Farsi, Elaheh Fouladi, Arghavan Fallahi, Shiva Esmaili, and Golrokh Iraee were subjected to three weeks of visitation deprivation because of their participation in the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign.

Afterward, because they again participated in the protest ceremony, another three-week deprivation was imposed on them. Human rights activists say even dozens of other prisoners who were merely present in the prison yard or witnessed the ceremony have faced disciplinary punishments.

The “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign has in recent months become one of the symbols of political prisoners’ protests against the increasing implementation of death sentences in Iran. Prisoners participating in the campaign usually express their opposition to the death penalty through chanting slogans, gathering in prison yards, or holding sit-ins.

Prison authorities’ response to these protests has often included increased pressure, deprivation of communication, exile, transfer to solitary confinement, or deprivation of visits. Punitive treatment of prisoners protesting executions demonstrates the efforts of security and judicial institutions to silence any voice of dissent, even inside prisons.

Similar Restrictions Repeated in Qarchak Prison

In recent months, similar reports have also emerged from Qarchak Prison in Varamin. According to these reports, a group of female political prisoners in Qarchak also faced communication restrictions and punitive measures after protesting prison conditions or participating in protest gatherings.

The collective deprivation of prisoners’ basic rights and facilities without transparent explanation amounts to a form of collective punishment. According to activists, this process has increased mistrust, psychological insecurity, and tension inside prisons.

Increasing Pressure Amid a Wave of Executions

The protests by female political prisoners in Evin come as the number of executions in Iran has increased in recent months. Human rights organizations have repeatedly warned that the widespread use of the death penalty, especially in political and security-related cases, has become a tool for creating an atmosphere of fear and social control.

Iran’s ‘No to Execution Tuesdays’ campaign marks 122nd week

On Tuesday, May 26, 2026, the prisoners’ hunger strike in protest against unjust executions across Iran entered its 122nd week. On this occasion, the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign issued a statement calling on international human rights organizations to respond to the continued executions in Iran.

Full text of the statement by the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign

International human rights bodies must stand with the people of Iran in confronting the tragedy of executions

Iran’s Regime Executes Abbas Akbari Feyzabadi, One of the Protesters of the January Uprising

Continuation of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign in its 122nd week across 56 different prisons

The wave of political executions continues. Since last week, two political prisoners and Kurdish compatriots, “Ramin Zeleh” and “Karim Yaghoubpour,” as well as another young man named “Abbas Akbari Fayzabadi,” who was among the January 2026 protesters, have been brutally hanged. Another prisoner, “Mojtaba Kian,” was executed on charges of espionage—charges that, as usual, led to these executions without fair trial rights.

According to received information, at least 72 people have been executed since March 21, more than 25 of whom were political-security prisoners. In addition to those mentioned, dozens and hundreds of unnamed prisoners in various prisons are also under death sentences.

In the past week, the death sentence of political prisoner Manouchehr Fallah in Lakan Prison in Rasht was reinstated after being overturned and then re-confirmed. In addition, the sentence of Rouhollah Karki in Sheiban Prison in Ahvaz, as well as the death sentences of political prisoners Milad Armon, Navid Najaran, Mehdi Imani, and Seyed Mohammad Mehdi Hosseini—defendants in the “Ekbatan Town” case—have been confirmed, and their lives are in grave danger.

In response to these executions, the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign has continued its resistance for 122 weeks inside prisons. This includes the women’s ward of Evin Prison, where inmates chant slogans every Tuesday in protest against executions and have consequently been banned from visits and deprived of phone contact with their families.

Modern Iranian history is full of resilient and revolutionary women who have sacrificed even their lives for change and have become immortal in the struggle for freedom and equality. In particular, over the past decade, during the December 2017 and January 2018 protests, November 2019 uprising, the 2022 “Jina uprising” (Mahsa Amini protests), and the January 2026 protests, women have been one of the main social forces in the frontline of struggle. The justice-seeking movement is filled with the names of women who have risen against executions and played a significant role in advancing the “No to Execution” movement.

In the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign as well, resilient women in various prisons have consistently raised the voice of freedom and the right to life. For this reason, the authorities cannot tolerate women’s voices, as misogyny has been one of the regime’s foundational pillars since its inception.

In the past week, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk, Amnesty International, and numerous human rights organizations have condemned the wave of executions in Iran and called for their immediate halt. In the same context, the European Parliament has also passed a resolution condemning the executions and the Iranian authorities’ targeted repression, calling for strong pressure on the authorities and urging governments to make any political engagement with Iran conditional on stopping death sentences.

We, the members of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign, once again call on international human rights organizations and all awakened consciences to use effective measures to prevent the continuation of inhumane executions, and to stand with the people of Iran in their demand for freedom, justice, and the abolition of the death penalty.

Members of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign were on hunger strike on Tuesday, May 26, in its 122nd week, across 56 prisons in the country.

Iran’s Regime Executes Abbas Akbari Feyzabadi, One of the Protesters of the January Uprising

Mizan News Agency, affiliated with the judiciary of the Iranian regime, reported early Monday, May 25, on the execution of Abbas Akbari Feyzabadi. The state-run media outlet described him as one of the leaders of the nationwide protests in Naein County, located in Isfahan Province, and claimed that he had been convicted on charges including “enmity against God” (moharebeh), deliberate destruction of public property, disruption of public order and security, and collusion against internal security.

The judiciary also wrote regarding the courageous rebel Abbas Akbari: “He appeared in the streets armed with a military handgun and opened fire at security forces.”

This comes despite the fact that no prior reports had been published regarding the arrest or death sentence issued against this political prisoner.

Details of the Execution of six PMOI Members

At the same time, human rights activists have expressed concern about the handling of Abbas Akbari’s case, saying it was examined in a completely security-driven atmosphere and without transparency. So far, no independent information has been released regarding the details of his arrest, interrogation process, court proceedings, or whether he had access to an effective legal defense.

State-run media outlets have claimed that Abbas Akbari played a central role during the nationwide protests in Naein County in Isfahan Province. According to Mizan News Agency, he was accused of deliberately destroying public property with the intention of confronting the regime, disrupting public security, and colluding against internal security.

In contrast, human rights sources emphasize that the lack of transparency in the judicial process has heightened concerns regarding compliance with legal and judicial standards. These sources say that in many political and security-related cases, Iran’s Revolutionary Courts issue heavy sentences, including executions, without publishing details or evidence.

Human rights activists have also stated that Abbas Akbari’s family was under pressure from security agencies throughout his detention and judicial proceedings, which prevented them from publicly speaking about his situation. According to these activists, pressuring the families of political prisoners to stop cases from becoming public is one of the common methods used in sensitive security-related cases.