Javad Tajik, the head of Behesht-e Zahra Organization, the authority overseeing Tehran’s largest cemetery—officially acknowledged for the first time at a press conference the presence of coup de grâce gunshot wounds on the bodies of those injured during the January 2026 protests. However, he blamed the crime on “terrorists.” He said: “Certainly terrorists and those who were armed delivered coup de grâce shots to the people and to more than 70% of the bodies; the terrorists fired.”

The IRGC is Trying to Wipe Traces of its Crimes During Nationwide Protests

This unusual claim comes despite numerous accounts from eyewitnesses, bereaved families, and forensic reports indicating that coup de grâce shots were fired directly at the heads and chests of the wounded by security forces and the Basij militia, a paramilitary force under the Iranian regime, to ensure that no witnesses remained alive. The high rate of coup de grâce wounds—reported in more than 70% of the bodies—itself points to the systematic nature of this crime, rather than the actions of “unknown terrorists.”

There are still no precise statistics on the number of children detained. The justice minister of the Iranian regime has stated that a number of teenagers aged 16 to 18 are being held in juvenile detention and rehabilitation centers. However, received reports indicate that many of these children and teenagers have been held in Tehran Greater Prison (Fashafouyeh), Amol Prison, Vakilabad Prison in Mashhad, as well as in secret detention centers in Kerman and Mashhad—facilities where, according to accounts, they have been subjected to various forms of physical and psychological torture and abuse. The families of some of these teenagers have still not been able to secure lawyers for their children and are deeply concerned about their condition.

Iran’s Regime Increases Student Suppression with Body Searches in Schools

Held in general crime wards and risk of assault

Some reports from inside Fashafouyeh Prison and Amol Prison indicate that detained children are being held in wards designated for ordinary crimes. According to informed sources, in some halls overcrowding is so severe that it is impossible to ensure the protection of these children. Some prisoners have also spoken about the risk of sexual assault and abuse against these children; an issue about which prison officials have reportedly been informed, yet no action has been taken to prevent it. According to the account of a non-political prisoner from Fashafouyeh Prison, between January 10 and February 4 the number of children in the ward had increased to such an extent that, unfortunately, some inmates convicted of violent crimes sexually abused these children, while prison authorities practically took no action to protect them.

Release on heavy bail and signing unknown documents

In Amol Prison, the number of detained children during the first two weeks was reportedly so high that, according to visitors, on one day in early February, after the prison gates were opened, around 20 to 25 children aged 13 to 16 were handed over to their families in disheveled and poor condition. According to the families, all of these children were required to sign documents before their release, the contents of which were unknown to them. Only after signing these papers were they freed on bail amounts ranging from several hundred million tomans to one billion tomans—equivalent to several billion to 10 billion rials (approximately 62,500 U.S. dollars).

Lack of information about the detainees’ condition

A lawyer in Kerman Province, expressing concern about the situation of detained children, said: “We practically do not have much information, unless a family comes forward.” According to him, some families have been advised to file missing person reports. The father of a 17-year-old teenager who was recently released approached this lawyer to follow up on his son’s legal status. He said the teenager had been beaten repeatedly, had two broken ribs, and had dislocated fingers. According to him, his son is severely distressed and recounted: “They sat us in a room without windows and urinated on us. They kept mocking us and laughing loudly at us. I think they kept us there like that for several days. Then they brought a hose and sprayed us with ice-cold water at high pressure.” The lawyer emphasized that families are under pressure and that informing the public under such circumstances is of great importance. In another case, according to the father of one of the detained children in Amol, officials told him: “You were given the chance to raise your child; now we will make them into proper people ourselves.”

Accounts of unofficial detention centers in Mashhad

The issue of detaining and abusing children has previously drawn the attention of human rights organizations. During the nationwide protests of 2022, Human Rights Watch reported that Iranian security forces, in suppressing the protests, had killed, tortured, and in some cases subjected children to sexual assault and enforced disappearance.

Iran’s Solution: Foreign War or Popular Uprising?

A relative of the family of a 16-year-old teenager in Mashhad said that for two weeks there was no information about the child’s condition. The family was initially told that he was in a juvenile detention center, but follow-ups yielded no results. A financial crimes prisoner who was recently released from Vakilabad Prison contacted the family and said that the child had been held for some time in an unofficial detention center and, prior to his release, had been transferred to a general crimes ward. According to this source, cigarette burn marks were clearly visible on the teenager’s wrist and arm, and he had difficulty walking. The teenager has not provided many details about what happened to him, but his family suspects that he may also have been sexually abused. According to this former financial prisoner, the child was told: “You will not see your family again, and we will throw your corpse away.” He was also forced to sign a document which, according to him, was required in order to stop the torture.

While Western foreign policy toward Iran has for decades oscillated between two poles—war and appeasement—today a louder voice has risen from within Iranian society, declaring: no foreign war, no negotiations with the regime! This third option—organized popular uprising and internal resistance—is not an emotional slogan but a political analysis rooted in Iran’s contemporary history and the realities on the streets.

The Bankruptcy of the Iranian Regime’s Negotiation Strategy

Iran’s regime is negotiating with the United States, but not from a position of strength—rather out of desperation. The Trump administration has drawn clear red lines: preventing Iran’s regime from acquiring nuclear weapons and curbing its missile program. Officials of the Iranian regime are attempting to buy time through media propaganda. In an attempt to escape its deep internal legitimacy crisis, the regime has turned to negotiations, but the United States is no longer willing to tolerate delay tactics. U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance has explicitly stated that “we cannot sit at the table with someone who makes the final decision,” directly referring to Ali Khamenei, the regime’s supreme leader. Iran’s regime does not even know what it seeks from these talks; it only knows that prolonging the process works against it. The outcome of any negotiations in Geneva or elsewhere will not resolve the regime’s internal crisis. This is precisely where the third option comes into play: overthrow from within, not bargaining from outside.

The United States and Pressure for Comprehensive Accountability

Within the United States, the balance of power has also shifted. Senators from both parties, in a direct letter to President Trump, have warned that it is not enough to focus solely on the nuclear issue while ignoring crimes against humanity committed in Iran’s streets. Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio have repeatedly stated that if a nuclear deal is possible, they will pursue it, but their policy framework is “peace through strength.” At the same time, they are tightening the military ring in the region. However, American public opinion no longer has the appetite for another war aimed at regime change. The experiences of Iraq and Afghanistan have shown that bombs and missiles do not bring democracy; they bring destruction and either puppet governments or new dictatorships. The people of Iran understand this reality better than any Western analyst. Street slogans—”death to Khamenei,” “death to the dictator,” “no to shah no to mullahs”—are the clear cry of a nation declaring: do not entrust our fate to foreigners. Even recent proposals by the son of the former Shah inviting foreign military intervention have been met with deep public distrust, because Iran’s past 120 years are filled with interventions that delivered new forms of tyranny instead of freedom. The 1953 coup against the government of Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh is one such example. Former US Secretary of States Condoleezza Rice and Hillary Clinton later acknowledged and expressed regret for that coup. A foreign war would not only fail to overthrow the regime but could give it renewed life. Contemporary history has shown that foreign military intervention in Iran has either produced a puppet government or led to an even harsher dictatorship.

The Consequences of Foreign War on Popular Uprising

If Western governments are truly seeking a wise policy, they should look to Iran’s streets. Youth, women, and various ethnic communities, chanting peace, freedom, equality, and death to the oppressor—be it Shah or Supreme Leader—have demonstrated that both dictatorships, monarchy and clerical rule, are permanently rejected. Recognizing the legitimate right of the people to overthrow the regime is what the experiences of Eastern Europe and South Africa have taught us. When internal resistance was recognized, foreign policy also shifted in favor of the people.

The Third Option: The Historical Legitimacy of Uprising and Organized Resistance

The third option is the most credible because it is rooted in the blood of the people. It is embodied in the quest for justice by grieving families, in messages from political prisoners, and in organized resistance. National solidarity at demonstrations in Berlin—where Kurds, Lors, Turks, Arabs, and Baluch stood together chanting “Free Iran”—is evidence of this reality. In contrast, any demonstration marked by insults and clashes reflects not genuine resistance but the same old binary of appeasement or war. https://www.maryam-rajavi.com/en/viewpoints/regime-change-in-iran/

Designation of the IRGC and the Global Necessity of Recognizing the Right to Resistance

When the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has been placed on terrorist lists in the United States and parts of Europe, and the regime’s institutions are widely recognized as components of a repressive apparatus, there remains no justification for silence. The international community cannot remain indifferent to the repression carried out by a regime identified with terrorism and crimes against humanity. Recognizing the organized resistance of the Iranian people is the only moral and realistic policy. The Iranian regime can no longer hide behind diplomacy.

EU Designates IRGC as Terrorist Organization Amid Escalating Repression in Iran

Iran’s regime stands at the threshold of overthrow and in a state of complete strategic deadlock. Its negotiations are futile, foreign war would be disastrous for the people, and the only remaining path is organized uprising and internal resistance. The third option is not a wish, but a historical reality. The time has come for the world to align not with the regime, but with the people of Iran.

Teachers’ trade associations have called for a public “mourning” and “strike” today, Wednesday, February 18, in protest against the killing of more than 230 students. Many human rights organizations and independent media outlets had previously reported on the killing of children during the nationwide protests in January. However, the repression of students has not ended in the streets.

Interrogation and Creating Fear in Iran’s Schools

So far, two sessions titled “Basirat Afzayi” (an ideological term meaning “enhancing insight,” commonly used by the Iranian regime for political indoctrination programs) have been held at Homami High School in Mashhad, a major city in northeastern Iran. Attendance at these sessions has been mandatory for all upper secondary students. Reports indicate that these sessions are held in the school’s prayer hall and are attended by school staff, including the principal and disciplinary supervisor, as well as several female and male agents.

The IRGC is Trying to Wipe Traces of its Crimes During Nationwide Protests

One of these sessions began with the question: Who killed citizens in the streets? After that, videos containing violent images from the nationwide protests of January 2026 were shown. During the screening, one of the men present attempted to convince the students that all acts of violence had been carried out by agents of Israel and the United States or by spies. After nearly half an hour of footage showing scenes of protesters being killed, government buildings set on fire, and images of half-burned books, one of the women present began speaking. Claiming she had been sent by the Ministry of Education to answer students’ questions, she attempted to prompt students to speak by asking questions such as, “Why are America and Israel hostile toward Iran?” and “The regime had accepted livelihood protests, so why would it kill protesters?” In another part of the session, claims were made about conditions in Iran before the 1979 revolution, particularly regarding living standards and the status of women. The female speaker cited examples such as “an increase in the number of female university students,” “women’s presence in universities and certain professions,” and “women’s activity in the fields of medicine and education” as achievements of the revolution. At the end of the session, students were asked to report any classmates who had participated in protests or posted content on social media aligned with the policies of the United States and Israel, so that they or school authorities could “help” them. Some students at this school stopped attending classes the day after the first “Basirat Afzayi” session. However, school officials contacted their parents and threatened that if the absences continued, their children would be barred from taking exams. The second “Basirat Afzayi” session was held on February 12. During this session, images were also shown of missile strikes on Tajrish Square and Evin Prison in Tehran during the 12-day war last June. Students were encouraged to attend the February 13 rally marking the anniversary of the 1979 revolution with their families—an action described as “preventing war.”

From Body Searches to Inspection of Mobile Phones

Following the bloody crackdown on January 8 and 9, for several consecutive days, male students in boys’ schools in Karaj, a city west of Tehran, were subjected to body searches by individuals other than school staff. Students at Rajaei Boys’ Technical and Vocational School were searched at least three times, on January 13, 18, and 26. During the first instance, the school’s disciplinary supervisor took students to an empty classroom. There, they were physically inspected for pellet wounds or bruises that might indicate participation in protests. During the second search, conducted on January 18, the inspection went beyond physical searches and extended to examining students’ mobile phones. At this stage, in addition to the school’s disciplinary supervisor, at least two men described by students as “strangers” and “not part of the school staff” were present. Students were told to hand over their mobile phones. In this inspection, students’ mobile phones were checked for images and videos of the protests, “membership in Telegram channels,” “use of VPNs,” and messages or posts related to January 2026. At Beheshti Boys’ High School in Karaj, several students were summoned to the principal’s office and questioned about their social media activity, following news pages, and communication with other students. At this school, students were told: “We know who was where. It is better for you to cooperate.” At this school, in the early days of February, some students were directed to a room next to the office upon entering the school. There, in the presence of individuals who were not part of the school staff, they were subjected to body searches, and their phones and bags were inspected. At that school, carrying items such as bandages and adhesive plasters has been considered “tools of unrest.” Some students were also asked to sign a written pledge, without their parents present, accepting responsibility for any protest activities outside the school.